Status of Caliphate

By: Dr. Muhammad Masjid-Jame‘i
It was briefly mentioned in the previous chapter how the early history of Islam was formed and what the attitude towards it was in the later years. This attitude was reflected in the entire Sunni jurisprudential and theological structure and political thought. A brief introduction is necessary before entering the new discussion.
We have already said that the Shi‘ites and the Sunnis, despite their basic common principles, have two different jurisprudential and theological structures and have founded two different psychosocial structures in their followers. In order to clarify how the religious movements in these two realms were and are formed and what factors and foundations they are influenced by, one has to clarify how these two systems are and how they were formed throughout history. What is most important, in the meanwhile, is what principles the political thought of these two schools are based on and influenced by because the sociopolitical and even the intellectual and cultural movements of these two are inevitably influenced by these characteristics. Unless these characteristics are known and its results and consequences are valuated, the religious movements of these two sects will not be identified properly, whether those that took place in the past or those that exist today.
We said that one of the most important principles that has formed the political thought of the two is their perception and interpretation of the early history of Islam. The Sunni perception of this part of history is different from its reality.
The second principle is the way Sunnis believe in the ruler simply because he is a ruler, i.e. without considering what occurred in the early history of Islam and the way it is perceived in the tradition. One has to see what their opinion is about the ruler and how this opinion is and may be reflected in their political thought. Finally, the third principle is that what was important to Sunni scholars, jurisprudents and theologians in connection with the government and its legality has been security rather than justice. They were concerned about security and the power that could provide and guarantee it rather than about justice or, for example, a precise implementation of the religious rules and the traditions of the Prophet (S) as they were in force at the time of the Prophet (S) himself. The Shi‘ite opinion in the last two issues is different from the Sunni one. This difference is reflected in the history of the religious and social movements of the followers of these two schools.
It is the people’s love of and desire for justice that is the cause of political and social movements. Shi‘ism, since the beginning of its history, was concerned about and emphasized the concept of justice and a strict implementation of the religious rules and defended and tried to realize the same as its mission while, according to Sunnism, the issue of justice has the second or even the third priority. What was and is important to them is merely having power and authority, in the shodow of which security can indeed be achieved. We will discuss each of these points here.

Status of Caliphate
We said in the previous chapter that the basic and primary factor in the development of the Sunni attitude towards the early history of Islam was Mu‘awiyah’s actions. His rivalry with and hostility to ‘Ali’s personality and position1 and his attempt to isolate his supporters, all of whom were his ideological opponents, led him to command to its governors to publicly curse ‘Ali while forging sayings for others about virtues similar to those of ‘Ali and to propagate them, which they did.
For many reasons, cursing ‘Ali did not and could not last for a long time. One important reason was the virtues that had been forged for others. How could the others have such virtues while ‘Ali, who was at least a person like them and a caliph, had the opposites of those virtues so as to be cursed?2 If they could even make the people have such beliefs, then the mass of the people would have beliefs similar to those of the Rebels and would indeed approach them while this was hated by the ruling system, both the Umayyad and the ‘Abbasid, because the Rebels were their great enemies. Nevertheless, the second action had its influence and took the early history of Islam and the Muslims of the time to a high status, equal to that of Islam. Indeed, other than Mu‘awiyah’s plan, there were other factors in the meanwhile that would help consolidate and continue such an opinion, which we will deal with later.
The caliphs coming after the Senior Caliphs, both the Umayyad and the ‘Abbasid, and the other persons who appeared in the history of Islam as caliphs and their caliphate was accepted by the people, such as the Mamluk caliphs in Egypt or the sultans of the second period in the Ottoman empire, in order to consolidate their position, needed to attach a religious status to themselves and to make the people accept this. The best means was to give a religious status, not to themselves, but to the position they were in so as to legalize themselves and make themselves accepted. In order to do this, they had to raise the position of the caliphs after the Prophet (S) and introduce their caliphate as a divine and religious position while further highlighting the supporters of the caliphs and the caliphate. In general, they had to give a religious definition to and sanctify the history of those times because, this way, their position of caliphate would be religiously necessary, and this would include the status on which they relied.3
In fact, the Umayyad caliphs were not so willing to be identified as caliphs because they neither needed this nor was their Bedouin, pre-Islamic, negligent and reckless nature consistant with such formalities. However, the ‘Abbasid could not remain on the scene without relying on it. Although their being in power for more than five hundred years was for a major part formal and apparent, yet it continued by resorting to such titles and, for many reasons, they developed the current that Mu‘awiyah had founded. Although many of Mu‘awiyah’s policies and, in general, those of the Umayyad were denied in the ‘Abbasid era, this was one of the exceptions that was approved because the holy and divine respect to the caliphs after the Prophet (S) directly helped sanctify the concept and system of caliphate and the one who was in charge of it.4
The other factor that reinforced such a view was the need to confront Shi‘ites and the Rebels. The most important opponents of the caliphs, both Umayyad and ‘Abbasid, during the first two or even three centuries, were the Shi‘ites. Both of them had a critical attitude towards the early history of Islam. The Shi‘ite view is well-known, in which they considered it to be a period like the other parts of the history of Islam, without any difference or distinction. However, the Rebels approved of the first part of the period of the Senior Caliphs, which lasted to mid-‘Uthmanite period, while deemed the second part as polytheism and deserting the religion. In addition, their perception of the first part was not similar to that of the others and was different in certain ways. They were pigheaded people that were not willing to consider any individual or period as holy. It was only this period that they approved of without rejection.5
Now, one of the ways to confront these two groups in the public opinion of the Muslims was to say that they did not accept the early history of Islam. To achieve this goal, the best way was to praise it as much as possible. The more important and religiously more valuable and divine this period became with the mass of the people, it was better possible to disarm the opponents. One of the most important populist pretexts they had was that they said to their opponents that you, who are considering us unjust and are opposing us, lack any legality because you do not respect or believe in the early history of Islam and its characters.6
This accusation was especially effective against Shi‘ites and was long used as the best propaganda tool against them. Many cases can be found in the past in which they suppressed the opposition at the early stage by using this means although this means has not been abandoned yet and is widely used especially by the Sa‘udis and their colleagues and sympathetic thinkers. They wickedly present such a picture of early Islam that nullifies any critical attitude in advance. They try to highlight this in order to isolate Shi‘ites and present them as abominable and to suppress any reformist movement under such claims because the reformist and revolutionary movements within the Sunni world in general have a critical attitude towards the early history of Islam and, principally, the history of Islam. When this attitude and way of thinking is questioned, those who believe in it will be doubted and this is what is desired by their opponents.7
In fact, it was these two political factors that increasingly reinforced the religious and divine aspect of the early period. The post-Mu‘awiyah caliphs needed it for many reasons and emphasized it. The need remained as long as there was caliphate, i.e. practically to the early present century. After that, it was needed by those in power who considered themselves as benevolent descendants.

Sanctifying Early Islam
In the meanwhile, other actions were also taken that further strengthened this current, in which Mu‘awiyah still had the primary role. To defend his legality and truth, Mu‘awiyah resorted to another policy, which was very successful and contributed in sanctifying the image of the early history with the Muslims. He wanted to establish a relationship between himself and his truth and the first caliphs and their truth, especially Abu Bakr. However, as long as ‘Ali (‘a) was alive, this was not effective and ‘Ali did not allow such misuse. ‘Ali’s outstanding personality and his unique position and past and his being appointed as caliph by the majority of the people were the biggest impediment to use such means. However, when Imam ‘Ali (‘a) was martyred and Imam Hasan (‘a) became the leader, it was possible to use it. We had better hear the story from Mu‘awiyah himself.
In response to a letter from Imam Hasan (‘a), in which the issue of peace and stopping the war had been set forth, Mu‘awiyah wrote, “…when this nation disagreed on your virtues and past and your closeness to the Prophet (S) and your position in Islam and among the Muslims, they were not ignorant. They saw it better that the Qurayshis would be leaders because of their relationship with the Prophet. The senior members of the Quraysh, the Helpers, etc. from among them said, ‘Let’s choose as leader one from among Quraysh whose Islam is older, who is more knowledgeable about and friendlier to God and who is more powerful in God’s affairs’, and they chose Abu Bakr.
This was the decision of the men of wisdom, religious and virtues and those of the nation who were aware… If the Muslims had seen one among you who was able to do that, they would have not hesitated. They would have done what they thought was fit for Islam and the Muslims… The story of me and you is like that of you and Abu Bakr after the Prophet (S) passed away. If I saw you more fit to the affair of the nation, I would do what you are inviting me to. However, you know that I am more experienced as a ruler and am an elder man of politics and am older than you are. Therefore, it would be more appropriate for you to do what you expect me to do and for you to accept to obey me…”8
While saying these, Mu‘awiyah tries to resort to the same reasons for legalizing himself with which Abu Bakr had been legally appointed and tries to pretend that his story is like that of Abu Bakr, by saying that the same criteria that applied for legally appointing Abu Bakr applies to him too, so much so that even Imam Hasan (‘a) has to obey him.
In this regard, Mahmud Subhi says, “This letter of Mu‘awiyah is the first theological interpretation of the supporters of Sunnism and consensus on the issue of caliphate in general and that of allegiance to Abu Bakr in particular. While ascending the power, Mu‘awiyah could achieve theological and ideological victory and, through this, he could express the beliefs of Sunni Muslims in general… He used this opportunity to undertake the defense of the caliphs and the senior Companions, thus giving religious acceptance to his claim in caliphate and cleverly setting forth his own claim in the form of defending Abu Bakr. According to this interpretation, he did not usurp the power and did not impose himself on the nation. His position was like that of Abu Bakr. He was more capable in administering the affairs and a better politician and more experienced and aged in dealing with various affairs. Thus, his claim of avenging ‘Uthman while ‘Ali (‘a) was in charge turned into a more dangerous, effective and acceptable ideology that responded to his requests for becoming the caliph and stabilizing his position.” 9
The result is that, other than the factors already mentioned, that led Mu‘awiyah to give a religious stature to the early history of Islam and its characters in order to isolate his opponents, on top of them, Shi‘ites, and break down the position of ‘Ali in the public opinion, there were other factors that encouraged him to do this. His confrontation with Imam ‘Ali and his followers, whether during ‘Ali’s life or after, could not succeed without relying on this historical period. He needed it and made use of it cleverly and for various reasons, and such uses later found a high place in the Sunni jurisprudential and theological structure, especially in the issues of imamate and caliphate. Doubtless, if the main rival of Mu‘awiyah had been someone other than Imam ‘Ali, or a person other than one like Mu‘awiyah stood against ‘Ali, the history of those days would have been formed otherwise and most probably the Sunni jurisprudential and theological structure would have had major differences with its presence structure.
Other than the mentioned factors, which were mainly political, there were two other factors that helped this current, which we will mention below.

Later Events
The first factor was the need to respond to various religious, jurisprudential and theological problems, especially jurisprudential ones, which the Muslims faced from late or even mid first century [AH], for which there were no clear answers in the Prophet’s (S) tradition. They had to find solutions to such problems, and one of the best solutions was to consider the early history of Islam equal to Islam itself rather than looking for answers only in the Prophet’s (S) tradition. This was quite a natural thing to happen.
The Islamic society in the Prophet’s (S) period was a closed and limited society with few needs and problems. Any new problem would be set forth to the Prophet (S) himself. The conditions changed after the rapid expansion of Islam, especially after the important early conquests ended, the religious passion was settled and the society calmed down in mid first century [AH]. The problem was not that the society had grown in size. The qualitative complexity due to the quantitative development was far more and was increasingly complex. The tribes, cultures, philosophies, sects and religions were covered by the new power, which had religious claims. Such a gathering would entail numerous problems that required answers which had to be explicit, pragmatic and not merely theoretical because the society had to be administered with the same answers. These were actually laws that gave order to and systematized the society.
Meanwhile, the problem was that only a small fraction of these new problems were directly answered in the Prophet’s (S) tradition.10 These questions were new subjects and, at that time, neither existed theoretically nor practical. However, they now required theoretical as well as practical responses. In the meanwhile, they had to give religious respect and recognition to a period that extended beyond the Prophet’s (S) life, and the latter included the period of the Senior Caliphs.
In an impartial and realistic estimate, one has to say that they were right to do so because, if there is only one part of the history of Islam that has to be recognized because of its apparent similarities to the Prophet’s (S) period, it is exactly the same, especially since this period was agreed on and respected by the majority of Muslims while the subsequent periods were not so. As a result, this period was considered as the continuation of the Prophet’s (S) tradition and contributed in responding to the numerous questions that had arisen, especially considering that in those days the jurisprudential expertise had not yet developed as methodologically as it later did. So, in every case, they had to refer to the explicit decrees.11
However, Shi‘ites basically did not face such a problem. In their belief, the sayings and deeds of the Infallible Imams were like the Prophet’s (S) tradition. This belief had neither been imposed by a historical necessity nor by any other factor. The natural and logical consequence was their belief in the principle of imamate the way they understood and interpreted it. Thus, the religious tradition according to them continued to the year 260 AH, which was the year of the death of Imam ‘Askari (‘a). This rich and various tradition, being the outcome of responding to various issues that had been set forth during 273 years since the Prophet’s (S) mission, plus the period of the imamate to the beginning of the minor and also its emphasis on the principle of ijtihad (religious expertise and authority) and determining its fundamentals and limits, basically removed the need for things that were urgently needed by Sunnis.

Emotional Attractions
The second factor was emotional as well as religious. Basically, human beings psychologically and affectively tend to love whatever that is somehow related to the object or individual they are interested in, whether it is real or an illusion or unreal. It will just suffice for him to suppose that there is such a relation. This factor was much stronger and more effective in older times than it is now. The modern man is more unfocused intellectually and affectively. As a result, the depth and duration of his love is less and shorter. However, in the past, if someone loved an object or person, he would be attracted to it/him entirely and the stronger the attraction, the stronger would be the love of his dependents and any characteristic that he attached to his beloved one, would be attached to his dependents as well.
During the history of Islam, the Prophet (S) was always the most popular and the most sacred person. The most beautiful and most mystical descriptions were applied to him, especially by the Sufis who were pioneers in doing so. Naturally, the charisma of such an attractive person would be extended to his surrounding people. This was a natural human trend. It was impossible for one to love the Prophet (S) and not be attracted to his dependents. Here the problem was not who the dependents were and how they lived. The issue was that they surrounded the Prophet.
The Sufis and the Muslims in general during the history thus looked at the Prophet (S) and early Islam. In their view, it was the best period because it contained the Prophet (S) and those individuals were the best because they lived with the Prophet (S). This is indeed true but its meaning and limits should be defined. It is true that the Prophet’s (S) period was specially respected because the Prophet lived in that period and it is true that the people surrounding the Prophet (S) were fortunate to experience the Prophet’s presence, but this did not entail the conclusion that the era of the Companions is the best period because of closeness to the Prophet (S) or, for example, Islam has to be identified with its help, and the Companions’ being fortunate to experience the Prophet’s (S) presence does not mean that they were, in practice, committed Muslims.12
Nevertheless, this psychological mechanism extended the Prophet’s (S) sacredness to the Companions and the Companions’ time, and all of them were encircled by a halo of divinity. This in turn gave special sacredness to the current whose goal was to give special religious credit to early Islam. The question why the Shi‘ites were not affected by this state and mechanism has a special reason. They always loved the Prophet (S), like the other Muslims did, and considered him to be the best person. However, because of sayings, which are entirely valid to them, they loved a special group rather than the entire Companions. If there had not been such sayings, they would have extended the Prophet’s (S) sacredness and position to the others as well, because this is human nature.
It would be appropriate here to mention an example and what value and position, according to the Muslims of the later periods, experiencing the Prophet’s (S) presence had and how it became the most important and the most definitive criterion to judge the religious and spiritual qualifications of individuals.
While criticizing Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, who believed that there may be other individuals among the people of the later times more virtuous than the Companions, based on the saying, “My nation is like rain. One does not know if the beginning or the end is better.” Ibn Hajr says, “This is a very rate theory which is not conformed by the Sayings.” Then, he sets forth his own theory by thus quoting a story from Ibn Mubarak, “This point is also approved by ‘Abdullah Bin Mubarak, who is well-known in the sciences and jurisprudence. He was asked which one of Mu‘awiyah or ‘Umar Bin ‘Abdu’l-‘Aziz were better. He said in response, ‘I swear by God that a dust in the nostril of Mu‘awiyah’s horse while besides the Prophet (S) is far better than a hundred people like ‘Umar Ibn ‘Abdu’l-‘Aziz.’ By saying this, he wanted to say the honor of accompanying the Prophet (S) and seeing him and being seen by him is a value that cannot be equaled by any action or honor.”13
Doubtless, all this was much influenced by politics. It should be admitted, however, that the Muslims grew with such a way of thinking and their mentalities and personalities were formed based on this, apart from the fact that they had to present a theological system compatible and homogeneous with a system that had been contradictory from within.
Principally, any true believer, no matter what he believes in, religion or else, tends to find his beliefs in a coherent and harmonious system without contradiction. This is one of his basic needs. The point is not that he has to do so in order to present his beliefs to the others or to defend the same. More important than this is his internal needs that will remain unfulfilled without such an attempt and practice. The peace of the human mind as to his beliefs is indebted to their harmony and homogeneity. An important part of one’s intellectual and scientific attempts, whether in the realm of religion, thought or science, is merely systematizing and coordinating one’s beliefs. This is mainly due to the same internal need.
An example of such an attempt can be found in the theory where it concerns the early Islamic Companions and personalities, “The best people in this nation and in all the nations after the Prophets (S) is Abu Bakr, then ‘Umar, then ‘Uthman and then ‘Ali (‘a). This was heard from the Prophet (S) and shall not be denied. The best of the people after these are Talhah, Zubayr, Sa‘d ibn Abi Waqqas, Sa‘id Ibn Zayd, ‘Abdu’r-Rahman ibn ‘Awf and Abu Ubaydah Jarrah. All of these had the capacity to be caliphs. The best of the people after them are the Prophet’s Companions, the century in which the Prophet was appointed by God as prophet, the early Immigrants, the Helpers and those who prayed towards both of the Two Qiblahs. After them, the best of people are those who accompanied the Prophet (S), whether one day, one month, one year, less or more. We ask God to bless them and recount their virtues and ignore their mistakes and do not remember any of them other than for their virtues…”14
The result is that the above and the other factors as a whole gave a special religious position and sanctity to early Islam, the Prophet’s Companions and the Senior Caliphs in the eyes of Sunnis and there is not anyone among them who doubts these. This is a principle on which they have consensus. More importantly, they comprehend and interpret Islam in its light, so much so that one can say, without having this in mind, one cannot comprehend their understanding of Islam. Islam in its entirety, from jurisprudence and analysis and history to theology, philosophy and mysticism, especially where it relates to political and religious discussions probably has the most differences in terms of how Sunnis and Shi‘ites comprehend it.
It is exactly at this point that Shi‘ites and Sunnis can understand each other less and less because they do not notice that their beliefs and theories are based on two different intellectual, philosophical, theological and historical foundations and systems. Consequently, they come across problems in their discussions, talks and mutual understanding and assistance. Any of them views the beliefs of the other through his own religious view and, therefore, does not understand him and has expectations contrary to the other’s principles and fundamentals.
This is not a theoretical problem; it is a tangible reality. Unless the Shi‘ites and the Sunnis have full knowledge of the characteristics of the intellectual and doctrinal systems of each other and from where their obligations originate, they will not be able to talk to each other or to reach a useful and effective understanding or cooperation. As we said, this is truer about political and religious issues. It was because of this reason that we presented this discussion more elaborately.15
Now let’s see what the consequences of such beliefs are, i.e. what their doctrinal, psychological, social and political outcomes are. Here, we will mention only two important results of it, which is of special importance in connection with the present discussion.

Inability to Judge Properly
We said that the early period of Islam is of special importance to Sunnis. However, the issue is that these periods are full of differences, tensions and conflicts, especially among the senior Companions. Many of the Promised Ten [‘Asharah Mubashshirah], whose high religious rank was not at all doubted, draw swords on each other. Now, how can this period and these individuals be of a high religious rank while at the same time stand up against each other and shed each other’s blood? Here, it is not the question of individuals; it is rather the question of criteria and rules. The problem is what the criteria are for judging the truth or falsehood and, basically, what the truth and falsehood is, how one has to live and what his stance should be in order to be on the right side. Apart from this, does he have to fight the falsehood or not and, if so, which is the falsehood and what is the criterion to judge it?
The fact is that they could not find a satisfactory answer. Therefore, they resorted to justifications and interpretations that would be too long to mention here. However, what mattered was that such a problem left its effect on Sunni psychological and doctrinal structure, i.e., since the problem had not been solved—and could not be considering its hypotheses—they tried to leave its similar examples unsolved. In other words, the final solution was that, since the problem has no answer, one must not try to solve it, so much so that some people considered any such attempt as prohibited and irreligious. The principle was that they had to remain silent towards it and be content to the virtues that had been quoted in this respect, and not even examine the truth or falsehood of such accounts.
However, the point was that silence towards this issue resulted in silence towards other similar issues. It is exactly from this that one can see the traces of such silence on the ideological and psychological structure of the Sunnis, which deeply affected the formation of their sociopolitical and religious history.
As an example, consider the words of Ibn Hanbal quoted here, “Ibn Hanbal revered all the Companions of the Prophet (S) and did not say anything about them other than their virtues. It was exactly because of this that, despite admitting that ‘Ali’s caliphate was legal and right, he did not say even a word in criticizing Mu‘awiyah, as he also did not say anything about the Siffin and Jamal wars, in which many of the Companions were killed. All of this was in order not to say a word to blame the Companions… To him, the companions were of an equal rank and he said nothing but nice things about them. He used to say, ‘Mu‘awiyah, ‘Amru ibn al-‘As and Abu Musa Ash‘ari are among those about whom God has said in the Qur’an, ‘One can see signs of prostration on their face.’”16
Also one of the analysis of the book As-Sanah by Ibn Hanbal thus says in his analysis, “If you see somebody arguing the deeds of the Companions and talks sarcastically about them, know that he is a man of caprice because the Prophet (S) said, ‘When there is a mention of my Companions, hesitate’. This is because the Prophet knew that they would make mistakes after his death, but he did not treat them but nicely and said, ‘Let go of my Companions. Do not talk but nicely about them and do not mention any of the mistakes that they did…’ Know that the one who questions the conduct of the Prophet’s (S) Companions, in fact he questions the Prophet (S) himself and tormenting him in his grave.”17
Ibn Juzzi, the well-known jurisprudent and theologian of the 8th century A.H., gives the same advice more explicitly, “Concerning the conflict between ‘Ali (‘a) and Mu‘awiyah, you had better not deal with it, remember them as good people and interpret what happened, in the best way possible because this is an issue of ijtihad (religious judgment). However, ‘Ali and his followers were on the right side because they judged and made the right judgment and will be rewarded but Mu‘awiyah and his advocates judged wrongly and are excused. What we have to do is to respect and love these two and the other Companions.”18 Numerous other such examples can be given.
Nevertheless, their perception of the early Islam currents and events led them to the conclusion and rather made them believe that there can be no two Muslims who can contradict or argue against and oppose each other while one is absolutely right and the other absolutely wrong. They especially emphasized that, in the conflict between two Muslims, if they are Muslims, i.e. they have the qualifications and meet the criteria that can define them as Muslims, it is certain that none of them can be wrong. Here the problem is not who is on the right side. What matters is that there is no wrong side in this. It seems as if they admitted implicitly that the truth of the parties is relative in such circumstances rather than absolute because, when there is no falsehood, then either party has to have a degree of truth on its side.
1. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid says that a group of the Umayyad said to Mu‘awiyah, “O’, Commander of the Faithful, you achieved what you wanted. Why do you not stop cursing this man—‘Ali ibn Abi Talib. He answered, “I swear by God, I will not stop until the minors grow up with it, the adults get old on it, and no narrator mentions any virtue of his.” An-Nass wa’l-Ijtihad, p. 499, quoted from Sharh Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, vol. 1, p. 463. Compare with what Abu Ja‘far Iskafi said, “If God had not paid special attention to this man—Imam ‘Ali—no saying would have remained now about his virtues because of the actions of the Umayyad and Marwan.” For more examples, see Sharh Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, vol. 4, pp. 56-116.
2. Goldziher says that the Umayyad gave priority to the Feast Prayer over the regular prayer so that the people would hear what they said before dispersing. Then he adds, “The people would leave the mosque after the prayer in order not to hear the sermons, which involved cursing ‘Ali.” Goldziher, Muslim Studies, vol. 2, p. 51.
3. In this regard, especially refer to Al-Islam wa Usul al-Hukm, which well analyzes and criticizes this current. pp. 113-36, 180-2.
4. Contrary to the ‘Abbasid, the Umayyad neither needed the religion nor pretended to believe in it. Their upbringing, psychology and temperament were rather Bedouin and of the pre-Islamic Ignorance type and they comported themselves accordingly. Their politics was more like that of a tribal chief than a caliph or a sultan of a great empire, which brought about their rapid fall. Mu‘awiyah cared more than the others about the appearances, saying to the Kufis, “My goal is ruling you not forcing you to say prayers or pay zakat (religious tax) because I know that you will do so.” Al-Umawiyyun wa’l-Khilafah, p. 13. ‘Abdu’l-Malik said openly, “O’, people, come to the right path and give up whims, avoid dispersion and do not constantly call us to the method of the early Immigrants while you do not know what their method and actions were…” Al-Umawiyyun wa’l-Khilafah, p. 122.
However, the ‘Abbasids were not like that. They pretended to be religious and to practice the shari‘ah as much as they could. “The caliphate of the ‘Abbasid caliphs, especially in the early period, had a religious appearance so as to make them grand with the people. This was stronger in Mansur’s time because, in his time, there were many people who rose up against the ‘Abbasid caliphate…” Mabadi Nizam al-Hukm fi’l-Islam, p. 584. This is an example of the Arabic and ignorant fanaticism of the Umayyad, “The Umayyad detested pledging allegiance to one whose mother had been a female slave.” Tarikh Ibn ‘Asakir, vol. 5, p. 205.
Ibn Abi’l-Hadid says, “It was well-known among the Umayyad that their last caliph would be one whose mother is a female slave. Therefore, they did not give caliphate to such a person. If they were to do so, Muslimah ibn ‘Abdu’l-Malik had priority over anyone else.” Sharh Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, vol. 7, p. 157. Also see Al-Umawiyyun wa’l-Khilafah, p. 45, Fajr al-Islam, p. 91.
The ‘Abbasid method was precisely contrary to this. Not only would the ‘Abbasids marry the liberated slaves, from 800 A.D. onwards, there was no caliph who was born to a mother that was a free woman. G.F. Grunebaum, Classical Islam, p. 80; Goldziher, Muslim Studies, vol. 2, pp. 38-88. Concerning the ‘Abbasid and the Umayyad politics, see the same book, pp. 80-9.
5. Al-Bayan wa’t-Tabyin, vol. 2, p. 102-3.
6. An example of condemnation of the Shi‘ites because of their criticism of early Islamic history can be found in Barbahari’s Sharh as-Sunnah. Tabaqat al-Hanabilah, vol. 2, pp. 18-45.
7. Tahawwul wa Thubat, pp. 87-100.
8. Nazariyyah al-Imamah ladi ash-Shi‘ah al-Ithna-‘ashariyyah.
9. Ibid., p. 321.
10. For example, Miqrizi, who is one of the best-informed people on the history, culture and events of early Islam and the following centuries, rejects any phrase or narration from the Prophet (S) that involves a question by the Companions from the Prophet on such subjects as fate, God’s attributes or similar verses and considers them to be fake, saying that the Companions’ questions from the Prophet (S) had been only about worships and how to perform them. Miqrizi, Khutat, vol. 4, p. 180. A critique of this view can be found in An-Nazm al-Islamiyyah, pp. 74-7.
11. A‘lam al-Mawqi‘in, vol. 4, pp. 118-56, which provides a full discussion on the necessity of following the Companions and the Followers, and also see Turath al-Khulafa’ ar-Rashidin, pp. 14-5. In ibn Hanbal’s Sharh as-Sanah, Barbahari says about the need to follow the Companions, “Know that the religion is imitation, an imitation of the Prophet’s companions… The Prophet told his Companions, ‘Those of you who outlive me will witness many differences. I warn you not to get involved in new affairs because that will be misleading. It behooves you to follow my tradition and that of the Senior Caliphs.’” Quoted from Tabaqat al-Hanabilah, vol. 2, p. 29.
Somewhere else, he says, “Let God dominates your self. Follow the Companions and be their true descendant and imitate them because the religion is imitation, an imitation of the Prophet (S) and the Companions. One who accepts them will not make mistakes. Therefore, imitate them and be comfortable and do not violate this…” Ibid., p. 39. Somewhere else, he says more explicitly, “If you heard a man being sarcastic about the Prophet (S) and the Companions and not accepting them or denying some of the news relating to the Prophet (S), doubt his Islam. He is an irreligious person with a foul mouth as he is sarcastic about the Prophet (S) and his Companions. We know God, the Prophet (S), the Qur’an, the good and evil, the world and the afterworld according to what remained from the past.” Then he adds, “The Qur’an needs the tradition more than the tradition needs the Qur’an.” Ibid., p. 25.
12. Al-Fatawi al-Hadithah, p. 305, about ‘Abdullah ibn Mubarak, who expressed such a theory, and his personality and characteristics. See Al-Islam bayna’l-‘Ulama wa’l-Hukkam, pp. 228-9.
13. Tabaqat al-Hanabilah, vol. 2, p. 21.
14. Concerning this theory and that there were hypocrites and corrupt people indeed among the Prophet’s (S) Companions and they were even cursed by the Prophet (S), see Al-Milal wa’n-Nihal, Subhani, pp. 191-228, and also An-Nass wa’l-Ijtihad, pp. 519-25, and especially the lively discussion by Muhammad al-Tijani in this respect in Thumma Ihtadayt, pp. 77-122, and Adwa’ ‘ala as-Sunnah al-Muhammadiyyah, p. 329, 356-63.
15. Especially see Al-Fasl fi’l-Milal wa’l-Ahwa’ wa’n-Nihal, vol. 4, p. 94, and Al-Fusul al-Muhimmah fi Ta’lif al-Ummah, especially pp. 7-60, and Thumma Ihtadayta, pp. 41-4.
16. Al-A’immah al-Arba‘ah, vol. 4, p. 117.
17. Tabaqat al-Hanabilah, vol. 2, pp. 35-7. Cf. Al-‘Awasim min al-Qawasim fi’dh-Dhab ‘an Sunnah Abi’l-Qasim, vol. 3, pp. 23-230.