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Conquest of Iraq
Iraq is an ancient land with an ancient civilization, known to the world as the Mesopotamian civilization. It is located in the north of Hijaz, East of the greater Syria and West of Iran (behind the Jibal region). Centuries before the advent of Islam, Arab tribes residing on Hijaz immigrated northwards to Syria and Iraq to escape the ever-increasing population. [166]
Their massive immigration and their many young forces gave them dominance over the native people of the regions and gradually, created an Arab environment. The Nibtiyan of Iraq and Syria were the descendants of the ancient settlers of this land. [167]
Iraq is known as “Sawad” for its fertile lands. Sawad means abundant farming. [168] During the advent of Islam, the Arab settlers of Damascus were said to be from the tribes of Tanukh, 'Ibadiyyin and Ahlaf (different allied tribes). The Euphrates river was the border between Arabs of Damascus and Iraq. The Iraqi Arabs were called “Fars Arab” and Arabs of Damascus were called “Roman Arab”. [169]
The immigrant Bedouin Arabs began to dwell in cities due to the vastness of fertile lands in Iraq and many of them converted to Christianity under the pressure imposed from the West. The 'Ibadiyyin, the majority of whom lived in Hira, were Christians at large. [170]
They believed in Nestorian Christianity and they were, indeed, a cultural tribe taught reading and writing to Arabs of Hijaz during the Dark Age. [171]
Hira was the chief city of Iraq that time. It is said that the word “Hira” had been taken from Harta, Hirta and Hirtu in Syriac, meaning military camp. According to Arab literature in the Dark Age, this city was highly important in Iraq and was the seat of Lakhmids kings. After the advent of Islam and the establishment of the city of Kufa in the vicinity of Hira, the city turned to ruin and its building materials were used for constructing Kufa. [172]
Hira was one league (six kms) away from Kufa and before Islam it was a center for interaction of various cultures such as the Persian Sassanids culture, the culture of Byzantium, Nestorian Christianity and local idolatry. [173] Remnants of this city still remain today. [174]
The pre-Islamic history of Iraq is part of the history of Iran from the political aspect. That is why two historians, i.e. Tabari and Dinwari, have mixed the history of this period of Iraq with the story of developments in Iran. The reason for this is the meaning of 'Arab Fars or Persian Arab, similar to the situation of Damascus whose history was mixed with the history of the Roman Empire.
The Al Lakhm dynasty, known also as Al Nasr, Al Nu'man [175] and Dawlat al- Manadhara, had a situation like that of the Ghassanids or Al Jafna. Accidentally, both had similar fates, i.e. losing power in the early years of Islam. Iran and Rome jointly imposed pressure on them. Information existing about the Al Lakhm dynasty is ambiguous in history books and Jawad 'Ali has tried to organize these pieces of information. [176] The first Lakhmi ruler was Judhayma al-Abrash also known as Shah Tanukh in some inscriptions.
Other famous kings of this dynasty were Imra' al-Qays (d. 328 AD) overstated as the “king of all Arab world”. [177] Lakhmi kings were mostly idolaters but due to being influenced by the Zoroastrian culture from the East and the Christian culture from the West, every now and then, they tended towards either direction. What is certain is that Nu'man III of this dynasty who reigned until 602, was a Christian.
We wrote that Nestorian Christianity was predominant in Iraq and Western Iran. The Sassanids kings supported this sect because the government of Byzantium was fighting it and it was politically in favor of Iran to defend this sect of Christianity. [178]
During this period, the political fate of Iran and Iraq were intertwined because the Iraqi government had practically been installed by Iran and it could not resist the Al Ghassan or powerful Arab rivals from northern Saudi Arabia (like Kinda who claimed to rule the entire region and managed to wrest control of Hira from Lakhm for three years. [179]) Iran, on the other hand, had to defend Iraq against its enemies because Iraq was a barrier on the way of the invasion of Bedouin Arabs and the Byzantium government and its puppet government in Damascus.
This necessity made the Iranian government deploy soldiers to Hira and its surrounding regions to guard Iranian borders there. Iran had contacts with Arabs not only in Iraq but it was also their neighbor on the eastern Saudi borders in the southern shores of the Persian Gulf. Some historians have reported of Iran's influence in Yathrib [180] one or two centuries before the advent of Islam. Sometimes, Iran had to give control of a region like Ubulla to a powerful tribe such as Banu Shayban to defend the invasion of Bakr Ibn Wa'il.
Due to its many interests in Saudi Arabia, Iran once accepted to interfere in Yemen, the southernmost point of Hijaz. In the early sixth century AD, Jews gained some power in Yemen and persecuted Christians. This made the Negus of Abyssinia, Yusti Niyanus, invade Yemen in the year 525 AD. He suppressed the Jews and established a Christian rule there.
Abraha, the commander of the operations and his son, Masruq, ruled for fifty years in Abyssinia until Sayf Ibn Dhi Yazan put an end to their rule over Yemen with an 8000-soldier Iranian army. Many of the Iranian remained in Yemen [181] and formed the Abna' or Persian generation of Yemen.
Their number grew to the extent that they joined the army of Islam in the conquest of Egypt. They had a district and a mosque in the name of Persians in Fastat that still existed until the third century. [182] When the Messenger of Allah invited the heads of states to convert to Islam, famed Bazan ruled Yemen. He had been installed by the Sassanids in Iran.
At any rate, Iran had important interests in Arab lands, especially in Iraq located on the border between Iran and Rome. Iran's interference in these regions was to the degree that in the year 602, Khusraw Parviz ordered Nu'man III, the last king of the Lakhmi dynasty, to step down step down. After him, the Iranian government replaced him with a local Christian named Iyas Ibn Qubaysa to rule Hira and with him, an Iranian border guard was appointed. [183]
During a period of 30 years between the resignation of Al Lakhm and the first attacks of Muslims on Hira, drastic upheavals occurred in the relations of Iran and Byzantium, that required Iran's more direct interference in Iraqi affairs. In the years 611 to 614, Khusraw Parviz launched a lengthy attack against Byzantium and captured a major part of the greater Syria including Quds. For many years, this created problems for the Byzantium government. This defeat is referred to in Qur'an as the “Conquest of Rome”.
After a few years, Heraclitos succeeded in reinforcing his army and during six consecutive years of war, defeated the Iranian government until the year 628, when Khusraw Parviz was killed and Iran had to accept peace. It is clear that Iran's defeat opened the way for the invasion of Iraq by the Byzantium government and the most important of all, by the Bedouin rebels.
In the early years of the fourth decade of the seventh century AD, some chieftains of Arab tribes pleaded to the first caliph of Muslims to retake Iraq from Iran. They organized the first attack against Iran in 633 AD or 12th AH.
Muslim Arabs lived in the Western part of Hijaz, but they maintained links with the eastern part of the peninsula as well. Especially, they exchanged visits with Najd and the tribes residing in it. Some time before the Prophet's demise, a large number of these tribes converted to Islam though it was apparently not serious considering that following the Prophet's passing, apostasy spread in the eastern parts of Hijaz, particularly in the land of Najd.
The new government had no option but to quell them; otherwise, the same tribes would soon move towards Medina. Muslim armies were dispatched to those regions in order to suppress the riots. The attack was partially commanded by Khalid Ibn Walid. As he gradually advanced to suppress these tribes, he came to the southern parts of Iraq.
Some of the apostates had fled to Iraq and some of them, like Banu Tamim, lived in that region. The consecutive victories of the Muslim army in those regions made the tribal chieftains of southern Iraq think of using these forces to capture Hira. This was the first attempt for conquests in Iraq and then, in Iran.
One of the influential tribes in southern Iraq was Banu Shayban, a branch of Bakr Ibn Wa'il tribe, Wa'il itself, was a branch of Rabi'a tribe. The region where Bakr Ibn Wa'il resided, started from Iraq and extended as far as Bahrayn in the Persian Gulf. [184]
Banu Shayban was a rival of Al Lakhm and one of those tribes whom Iranian had to give concessions to in the lands under their rule. One of the last Arabian-Iranian battles was Dhi Qar, in which Banu Shayban fought against Iranians and are said to have defeated them. One of this tribe's leaders was Muthanna Ibn Haritha who is considered the main instigator of Muslims in the conquest of Iraq and then, Iran.
According to Dinwari, ever since Puran sat on the throne in Iran, rumors began to spread that there was nothing left of the Iranian glorious kingdom. Hearing about this, two people from Bakr Ibn Wa'il, Muthanna Ibn Haritha and Suwayd Ibn Qutba 'Ijali, attacked the land of Iranians with their men (the first attacked Hira and the second one invaded Ubulla). They would raid farmers and plunder them. Following these events, Muthanna wrote a letter to Abu Bakr and noted Iran's weakness. [185]
Abu Bakr who had heard about his assaults on the Iranians, said, “Who is this man, whose “news” reaches us before his “name”?” He was told the man was not an unknown person. After ending the war against apostates, Muthanna came to Medina and asked Abu Bakr's permission to fight the Iranians. Abu Bakr wrote an agreement for him. A few months later, he dispatched his brother to Medina to ask Abu Bakr to send forces to him and the caliph sent Khalid Ibn Walid to Iraq. [186]
According to Baladhuri, after getting the permission for war from Medina, Muthanna returned to his tribe in Khiffan and invited them to convert to Islam, which they all did. Abu Bakr then sent Khalid to Iraq and asked Muthanna to obey him. [187] Muthanna did his best to expand Islam in Iraq for some years until his death. It has been said that he and his tribe had come to the Prophet (S) and therefore, was considered one of the companions. [188] The Muslim army in these attacks is said to have been numbered at around 18000. [189]
It should be noted here that the Iranians' war in the conquest of Iraq was not against Arabs. What has been reported about the conquests indicates that the Iranian armies were the main side of these clashes, although it has been said that some men from Hijaz and Arab Christians. In the conquest of Ubulla, the commander of the enemy's army was a man named Hurmuz whose part of army was commanded by Qubad and the other part, by Anushjan. [190]
In fact, after the collapse of the Lakhmids, Iranians guarded this land and it was natural that in the Arabic environment of Iraq. Lakhmids could do this better than the Iranians and therefore, it has been said that due to the fall of the Lakhmids, the southern wing of the Sassanids government was left almost without any support. [191]
We must also add that there are different versions about these conquests. One of the best-known narrators was Sayf Ibn 'Umar who was notorious for fabricating stories. He tried to portray Khalid as an unnatural human being who even sometimes, did some supernatural tasks! Stories of the conquest of Iraq in the Tarikh Tabari, have been taken from his reports.
It is said that Khalid first captured Ubulla, although Waqidi rejects it. [192] Another source says this city was captured by 'Utba Ibn Ghazwan. Also, we read that the city of 'Ullays was conquered based on a peace accord and then, Muslims moved toward Hira from there. There are contradictory views on whether Hira resisted Arab Muslims or not. [193]
The nobles of Hira have said that Ayas Ibn Qubaysa was among them and they gave up the city peacefully provided that they would not destroy churches and palaces. Hira's tributes were the first sent to Medina. [194] Hira fell in Dhi Qa'da, 12th AH.
Anbar was another major city of Iraq that fell to Muslims. It had been named Anbar (storehouse) because in the past, it used to be a place for Iranians to store their cereals. In fact, many Iranian forces and border patrols served in this region, and the city was naturally, a warehouse for their food. The city was famous until the second AH century and the establishment of Baghdad.
It should be noted that before the conquest of the city by Muslims, the Romans had burnt the city. [195] This indicates that a year before Iraq's conquest, Romans had done serious damage to the region. 'Ayn al-Tamr, in addition to Ubulla and Khurayba, were the places used for the stationing of Iranian border guards. They were either captured by force or peace. One of the captives of this city was Yasar, the ancestor of Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, the author of “Sira Nabawi.” [196]
The consecutive victories of Muslims all came within a year. This highlights the lack of any serious resistance and fight on the part of Iranians demonstrate how disorganized the state of Iranian forces was in the region. Perhaps, some may claim that the Iranians did not take these attacks seriously and this may be true to some extent.
However, Iranians were aware of the changes in Hijaz and the battles against apostasy, because they had much influence on Bahrayn and Yamama. It is illogical to accept that they were unaware of these incidents and of the state of Muslims. Secondly, Iranians could not do anything even after taking Arabs' assaults seriously.
Therefore, the Iranian army was not a fighting shape during that period. This army suffered from the disorders that had beset the Iranian ruling system after its defeat from the Romans. It had seriously damaged the credibility of the Sassanids government among Iranians, themselves.
Spuler writes on the speedy withdrawal of the Iranian army from Iraq, “The speedy victories of Arabs and fast retreat of Iranian forces from the region had more deep-rooted reasons. On the one hand, Mesopotamia, with its Aramaic or Aramaic-turned settlers which was largely populated by Christians and besides them, followers of Baptism and Jews and limited number of Manicheans, opposed the rule of Iran in the region.
On the other hand, there were few Iranians in the region and villagers showed no resistance against the advance of Arabs, although they did not welcome the invading Arabs as it was done simultaneously in Egypt extremely excited by the acts of Byzantium. However, the situation in Mesopotamia was similar to that of Egypt.” [197]
Notes:
[1] al-Imamah wa ‘l-Siyasa, vol. I, pp 24-25
[2] Hubab Ibn Mundhir said that neither Muhajirun nor Ansar accepted each other Masa’il al-Imamah, p. 13
[3] Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. VII, p. 431 (‘Umar said, “ Ýãä ÏÚÇ Åáì ãËáåÇ Ýåæ ÇáÐí áÇ ÈíÚÉ áå æáÇ áãä ÈÇíÚå” “Whoever calls on people do this, neither his allegiance nor that of someone’s who calls to his obedience is acceptable ” ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. V, pp 442-445 (briefly said); Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 344; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, pp 204-206; see distorted and disgraceful narrations of ‘Umar’s speech in, Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. I, p. 581
[4] This book is lost but major part of it is mentioned by Ibn Abi l-Hadid in Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah These quotations have been collected by Muhammad Hadi Amini in a separate book titled “As-Saqifa wa Fadak” and published
[5] al-Futuh, vol. I, pp 3-4; Waqidi, Kitab ar-Ridda, pp 32-33
[6] al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p. 578; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. II, p. 272 Hubab Ibn Mundhir said to Bashir Ibn Sa‘d in Saqifa, “You swore allegiance to Abu Bakr out of envy towards Sa‘d Ibn ‘Ubada (Kitab ar-Ridda, p. 42)
When Usayd Ibn Huďayr passed away, ‘Umar paid off all his debts (al-Fa’iq fi gharib al-hadith, vol. I, p. 108) Hubab Ibn Mundhir composed poem in Saqifa in reproaching those two men, part of which is so (Kitab ar-Ridda, p. 38) ÇÈä ÍÖíÑ Ýí ÇáÝÓÇÏ áÌÇÌÉ æÃÓÑÚ ÓÚí ãäå Ýí ÇáÝÓÇÏ ÈÔíÑ Ibn Huďayr much embraced on evil-doings and Bashir did more than him
[7] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 14; al-Bayan wa l-Tabyin, vol. III, p. 298; al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 27; Masa’il al-Imamah, p. 13
[8] Sa‘d Ibn ‘Ubada never paid allegiance to Abu Bakr and when he was in Damascus, caliph sent somebody to kill him and he was killed; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. I, p. 250
[9] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, pp 123-124; one of the Ansar is reported to have said, “If ‘Ali and other people of the Hashimites had not been engaged in burying the Messenger (S) in the house and not been there in worry about him, no one would have had caprice of caliphate, Kitab ar-Ridda, pp 45-46.
Waqidi’s report reveals that ‘Abd al-Rahman Ibn ‘Awf talked to the Ansar after Saqifa event Evidence of a good number indicates that nobody was present at Saqifa except three people of Muhajirun Later on, Bashir Ibn Sa‘d Ansari, after hearing of Imam ‘Ali’s reasoning said to him, “In case people had heard you speaking this way before, nobody would have disagreed with you and all would have paid allegiance to you But you stayed home and people thought you were not in need of caliphate!
Imam responded, “O son of Bashir ! Should I have left the Messenger’s corpse at home and quarelling with people on succession?” Abu Bakr said, “They have paid allegiance to me now and if I had known your will, I would have never sought after it myself You’re free to swear allegiance to me ” Imam paid allegiance to him seventy five days after departure of the Messenger (S) when Fatimah (a) passed away, Kitab ar-Ridda, p. 47
[10] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, p. 208; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. II, p. 325
[11] al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 27; Kitab ar-Ridda, p. 42 Harra event, Juwhari says, in 63 A H confirmed what Hubab said to Abu Bakr, “I fear not of you but of those after you (Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. I, p. 313) About Ansar’s repentance after Saqifa, al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p. 583 Hubab said, “Since we killed their fathers in wars, they would take revenge on us ” (Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. I, p. 580); al-Fa’iq fi gharib al-hadith, vol. III, p. 166; Masa’il al-Imamah, p. 135.
In this case, we should see how Imam was treated In Badr, they have murdered half of Quraysh totaling seventy people Certainly, it has to be known that the Ansar felt remorseful of what they had done and so they stood against defending ‘Ali, Quraysh and its political party, from ‘Uthman and Mu‘awiya to Talha, Zubayr and ‘Ayisha in Jamal, Siffin or before by having a hand in ‘Uthman’s murder or staying silent towards it Even a few days after Saqifa, their remorse was revealed and Hassan Ibn Thabit’s then poems best prove that Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, pp 127-128
[12] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. I, p. 582
[13] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. II, p. 38
[14] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. I, p. 583, æÇáÚÑÈ áÇ ÊÑÖì Ãä íÄãøÑßã æÈíäåÇ ãä ÛíÑßã æáßä íÄãÑæä ãä ßÇäÊ ÇáäÈæÉ Ýíåã “Arabs never appoint you as ruler but those who were in touch with prophethood ” Kitab ar-Ridda, p. 39; Abu Bakr in his speech relied on this, “ ÞÑíÔ ÃæÓØ ÇáÚÑÈ ÏÇÑÇð æÃßÑãåã ÃÍÓÇÈÇð ð
The Qurayshites are the most outstanding and noble ‘Arab dynasty ” Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. II, p. 269; Following above sentence quoted from Abu Bakr, in Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 13 it is added through Abu Bakr, “æÃÍÓäåã æÌæåÇð ÃßËÑ ÇáäÇÓ æáÇÏÉ Ýí ÇáÚÑÈ“The most good-looking people were more among those who were given birth among Arabs ”.
Abu Bakr said, äÍä ÞÑíÔ æÇáÃÆãÉ ãäÇ “We are the Qurayshites and Imams are from us” as a hadith although this was attributed to him later.
[15] al-Iďah, p. 87.‘Umar said to Ibn ‘Abbas, “Your people did not want to have the prophethood and caliphate in your family because, in that case, pride elevated you to the sky; Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 28
[16] As-Saqifa wa Fadak, p. 43; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. II, p. 49 and Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. I, p. 590; Abu ‘Ubayda Jarrah talked about ‘Ali’s youth when Imam objected, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. II, pp 2-5.
[17] ‘Ayisha is quoted to have been questioned, “Whom did the Messenger (S) find as his successor?” “Abu Bakr”, she replied “Who would be his successor?”, she was asked “‘Umar”, she answered “And after ‘Umar”, she was questioned “Abu ‘Ubayda Jarrah”, she replied (Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. VII, p. 433) The date of forging this hadith shall be found within the proper hadith.
[18] al-Ghadir, vol. V (issue, Silicate al-Mawďu‘at fi l-khilafa) pp 333-356 According to Waqidi in ar-Ridda (pp 35-37) it seems that the Messenger (S) has placed Abu Bakr as his successor as clarified in Saqifa several times!
[19] Nihayat al-’irab, vol. XIX, p. 39
[20] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. I, p. 190; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. II, p. 274, vol. III, p. 407; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 881; Masa’il al-Imamah, p. 63; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XII, p. 69
[21] Tatawwur al-fikr As-Siyasi ‘Ind ahl As-Sunna, p. 38
[22] Tatawwur al-fikr As-Siyasi, p. 38, footnote IV
[23] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. V, p. 261
[24] As-Saqifa wa Fadak, p. 46
[25] Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. VII, p. 432 Hisham Ibn ‘Urwa quotes his father, Çä ÇÈÇ ÈßÑ æÚãÑ áã íÔåÏÇ ÏÝä ÇáäÈí () æßÇäÇ Ýí ÇáÇäÇÑ ÝÏÝä ÞÈá Çä íÑÌÚÇ Abu Bakr and ‘Umar were with the Ansar when the Prophet (S) was to be buried, and before they came back, the Prophet (S) had been buried Waqidi says, “What seems correct to me is that the Prophet (S) has been buried Saturday (al-Bad’ wa l-Tarikh, vol. V, p. 47).
Therefore, it is clear that Abu Bakr and his fellow had been busy since Monday till tomorrow when the Prophet (S) passed away and they could not come by his dead body These two people are hardly mentioned among those named in reports concerned with his burial
[26] al-Bad’ wa l-Tarikh, vol. IV, pp 65-66
[27] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 124
[28] As-Saqifa wa Fadak, p. 47
[29] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. I, p. 587 According to Ibn Qutayba, ‘Ali said to him, “Milk in a way you can have part of it; al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 29
[30] Ma‘alim al-Madrisatayn, vol. II, pp 163-166; Talkhis Ash-Shafi, pp 76, 156
[31] al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. III, p. 64; Tarikh ’Abi l-fida’, vol. I, p. 156 quoted from, Ma‘alim al-Madrisatayn, vol. II, p. 167 About other sources talking about threat, Ma‘alim al-Madrisatayn, vol. II, pp 167-168 Abu Bakr in his time of death was concerned about a few things, one was that he wished he had never opened Fatimah’s house door even if they had closed it with the aim of war (Ma‘alim al-Madrisatayn,, vol. II, p. 165, footnote LXV from various sources.
[32] al-Mudhakkar wa l-tadhkir wa l-dhikr, p. 91; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. VII, p. 432 The Shi‘ite Muslims believed in such an action.
[33] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. XX, p. 147.
[34] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. I, p. 220; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, pp 124-125
[35] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 126; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. II, pp 5-28 and 67; Waq‘at As-Siffin, p. 182; Kitab ar-Ridda, p. 46
[36] About what happened to Fadak during the Umayya and the ‘Abbasids, al-Kharaj wa Sana‘at al-kitaba, pp 259-260
[37] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. V, p. 472 The same quotation comes from Zuhri in Bukhari, vol. VI, p. 122 Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. VI, pp 49-50; vol. XVI, pp 253,281,282; al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. V, pp 285,287
[38] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. V, p. 472
[39] It was for the same reason Imam opposed to Abu Sufyan who had been willing to pay allegiance to Imam, Nathr ad-Durr, vol. I, p. 400
[40] Nihayat al-’irab, vol. XIX, p. 40
[41] Aside from false narrations against the chronicles, Imam swore allegiance just when ‘Umar and Abu Bakr stopped by him in his house, Nihayat al-’irab, vol. XIX, pp 39,40
[42] Talkhis Ash-Shafi, vol. III, p. 77
[43] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 304; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. II, p. 50, vol. VI, p. 43, vol. XVI, pp 212, 251; al-Bad’ wa l-Tarikh, vol. V, pp 68-69, there, “Wahaynama” is replaced with “Wahanbatha”; in addition, another line is added too
[44] Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 24; Kanz al-‘Ummal, vol. V, No 14113; Ibn Sallam, al-Amwal, p. 194
[45] Nihayat al-’irab, vol. XIX, p. 38; it is cited there a group of Khazrajis failed to pay allegiance in Saqifa
[46] al-Mi‘yar wa l-Muwazana, p. 232 (quoted from Baladhuri and Ibn ‘Abdirabbih in the footnote) Interestingly, Ibn Abi l-Hadid (XVII, 223-224) says that some knew Abu Bakr as his murderer but he has not found a historical report concerningly This is while the aforesaid report is cited in two historical sources, of course about caliph II
[47] As-Sirat al-halabiyya, vol. III, p. 389 (al-Ghadir, vol. V, p. 368)
[48] al-Ma‘rifa wa l-Tarikh, vol. I, p. 238, Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 298
[49] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. V, p. 451; Mustadrak, vol. II, p. 78
[50] Majma‘ al-amthal, vol. I, p. 27
[51] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. XIII, p. 177
[52] al-Fa’iq fi gharib al-hadith, vol. IV, p. 12
[53] al-Ifsah, p. 176
[54] As-Sahih Min Sira al-Nabi, vol. I, pp 247,289,290; Tarikh at-Tabari, (vol. II, p. 60), in a weakened narration by Himself, says that fifty people embraced Islam before Abu Bakr
[55] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 128
[56] ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. XI, p. 326; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, p. 336; al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 34
[57] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 13
[58] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 15
[59] Abuya‘la, al-Ahkam As-Sultaniyya, p. 17 Despite what is said, caliph I, in his first oration, said, æÞÏ ÇÓÊÎáÝ Çááå Úáíßã ÎáíÝÉ God hath ordained a caliph to unify thee and to strengthen thy words, Al-Imama wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 34 Damascus Muslims are quoted to have called Abu Bakr as “God’s Caliph” Al-Imama wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 38 (Damascus people were expected to say this but nothing else) Once he was called “God’s Viceroy”, but he said, “I’m not vicegerent of God, I am caliph of the Prophet (S) and I am pleased with it! (Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. VII, p. 433) ‘Adi Ibn Hatam told Abu Bakr, “We obeyed God’s Messenger (S) because of his obedience and you are obeyed for you obey the Propher (S) (Kitab ar-Ridda, p. 66) His intention lies in the same word of caliph
[60] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, pp 100-101
[61] ‘Abd Allah Ibn Saba’, in his book, deals with narrations of the same person by considering narrations of Sayf by ‘Allama ‘Askari.
[62] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. II, p. 229.
[63] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p.. 117.
[64] al-Futuh, vol. I, p. 23.
[65] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. II, p. 149; al-Kharaj wa Sana‘a al-kitaba, p. 282.
[66] For example,áÇ ÇÞÓã ÈåÐÇ ÇáÈáÏ¡ æáÇ ÊÈÑÍ åÐÇ ÇáÈáÏ¡ ÍÊì Êßæä ÐÇ ãÇá ææáÏ¡ ææÝÑ æÝÏ æÎíá æÚÏÏ¡ Çáì ÂÎÑ ÇáÇÈÏ¡ Úáí ÑÛã ãä ÍÓÏ Kitab ar-Ridda, p. 111; and another example in, al-Bad’ wa l-Tarikh, vol. V, pp 161-162,164 These cases are morally ill.
[67] al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VI, p. 326.
[68] In some sources, she is called daughter of Aws Ibn Hurayz, Jamharat an-Nasab, p. 226.
[69] al-Futuh (Persian translation), p. 20-21; al-Bad’ wa l-Tarikh, vol. V, p. 165.
[70] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, vol. I, pp 111-115
[71] al-Futuh, vol. I, p. 40
[72] al-Futuh, vol. I, p. 43-44; Kitab ar-Ridda, pp 144-146
[73] al-Futuh, vol. I, pp 14-15; Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, pp 102-103
[74] Al-Futuh,ol I,p. 17; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, ol II,p. 129
[75] The Shi‘ite Muslims disagreed on saying that all people hae been atheist rebels Kanz al-fawa’id, vol. II, p. 346
[76] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 105, Abu Bakr was told åá íÒíÏ ÎÇáÏ Úáì Çä íßæä ÊÃæá ÝÃÎØà Does Khalid want to express and go wrong Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. II,p. 278; Tabaqat Ash-Shu‘ara’,p. 48
[77] Tarikh at-Tabari,vol. II,p. 279, al-Aghani,vol. xv,p. 302
[78] al-Futuh,vol. I,pp 58,60 and 61; ar-Ridda,pp 171,176 and 177 æÇááå ãÃ Ç ÒáÊãæåÇ Úä ÃåáåÇ ÇáÇø ÍÓÏÇð ãäßã áåã By God you seized caliphate away from them just out of envy
[79] ar-Ridda,pp 169-174
[80] ar-Ridda,pp 173-179; al-Futuh, vol. I,pp 57-61
[81] al-Futuh,vol. I,p. 71-72
[82] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq,vol. x, p. 176; Abu Bakr once ordered his men to set atheists on fire and fall them down the mountain Al-Jassas, Ahkam al-qur’an, vol. III, pp 67 and 81
[83] al-Milal wa l-Nihal, vol. I, p. 31; Jami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm, vol. II, p. 129
[84] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. III, p. 151
[85] al-Ifsah, p. 121
[86] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 128
[87] Maqdisi says, “Abu Bakr sent Khalid to sword-kill people of Ridda, set fire to them, hold their children and women captive and share their properties Al-Bad’ wa l-Tarikh, vol. v, p. 157
[88] al-Futuh, vol. I, p. 75; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VII, PP 101-102
[89] ad-Durra al-fakhira, p. 324; Majma‘ al-amthal, vol. II, p. 65
[90] al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VI, p. 311
[91] Firaq Ash-Shi‘a, p. 4
[92] al-Bad’ wa l-Tarikh, vol. V, p. 151
[93] Tarikh al-’Arab wa l-Islam, p. 71 Hasan Ibrahim Hasan says, “The atheists were those who refused to pay Zakat, tax alms, thinking that the Messenger (S) blackmails them It is to be noted that they never challenged and loathed Islam… they agreed on monotheism, foundation of Islam but they thought they had to pay tax alms only to the Prophet (S) ” Tarikh Siyasi Islam, vol. I, p. 216 ‘Aqqad also says, “A group of others believed in mere tax alms but they never took faith in those who had to pay tax alms ” ‘Abqariyya As-Siddiq, pp 124-125
[94] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. II, p. 246; Masa’il al-Imamah, p. 14; Kitab ar-Ridda, pp 171-172; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. III, p. 409; al-Aghani, vol. II, p. 157; al-Jamal, p. 181; Ash-Shi‘r wa l-shu‘ara’, p. 65; al-Bad’ wa l-Tarikh, vol. V, p. 156; Tatawwur al-fikr As-Siyasi ‘Ind ahl As-Sunna, p. 38, footnoteII,; Muqaddama fi Tarikh Sadr al-Islam, p. 51
[95] Tarikh al-’Arab wa l-Islam, p. 71; Tatawwur al-fikr As-Siyasi ‘Ind ahl As-Sunna, p. 38 Nashi’ Akbar says, “Some believed they were not atheist but they refused to pay poll tax, saying that the poor are superior to that, They would pay that to the agents of the Prophet (S) just for the sake of the Prophet and now that he has passed away, people would give it to any poor one they wished Masa’il al-Imamah, p. 14
[96] al-Risala, p. 80
[97] Tabaqat fuhul Ash-Shu‘ara’, vol. I,p. 206; Tabaqat fuhul Ash-Shu‘ara’, 1400 H; word of religion in the subject poem means government as footnoted by the proofreader
[98] al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 35
[99] Jami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm, vol. II, pp 104 and 125
[100] al-Bad’ wa l-Tarikh, vol. V, p. 123
[101] al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazana, p. 94
[102] Talkhis Ash-Shafi, vol. III,p. 77
[103] Rabi‘ al-Abrar, vol. I, pp 708-709 They allied with the atheists to destroy Islam.
[104] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 102; al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. VII, p. 434.
[105] Usd al-ghaba, vol. II, pp 371-372.
[106] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, pp.102-117.
[107] Sahmi, Tarikh Jurjan, p. 96.
[108] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. I, p. 567; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. VI, p. 11; al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 11; Anas Ibn Malik says, “On Saqifa, I saw ‘Umar forcing Abu Bakr to go on pulpit al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p. 438
[109] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 17; Gharib al-hadith, vol. III, p. 222; al-adab al-Mufrad, p. 29
[110] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p. 174
[111] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 665; Ibn Juzi, Manaqib ‘Umar, p. 48; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, ol II, p. 420; al-Tanbih wa l-ishraf, p. 249
[112] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 186; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. II, p. 425
[113] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 187
[114] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 123
[115] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p. 454; Hayat As-Sahaba, ol II, p. 20
[116] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, pp 585-588
[117] Ibid vol. I, pp 29-30; Hayat al-Hayawan, vol. I, p. 48
[118] al-Futuh, vol. I, p. 44; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, ol I, p. 179
[119] Maqdisi says, “People raised no doubt that ‘Umar would become Abu Bakr’s caliph al-Bad’ wa l-Tarikh, vol. V, p. 167
[120] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VII, p. 394
[121] al-Ishtiqaq, p. 149; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, pp 158-159
[122] al-Futuh, vol. I, p. 23; al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p. 212; al-Iďah, pp 72-73; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p. 179
[123] al-Futuh, vol. I, p. 149
[124] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. III, p. 22
[125] Ibid vol. VI, p. 48-49
[126] Ibid vol. XVIII, p. 306-307
[127] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VII, P. 369
[128] Futuh al-Buldan, p. 107
[129] According to Tadhkirat al-Khawas (p. 160), ‘Umar separated Malik from his wife after her pregnancy with Khalid and her delivery.
[130] al-Futuh, vol. I, P. 44
[131] Ibn Hajar quotes Zubayr Ibn Bakkar saying when Khalid took one fifth of booties, he never submitted any account to Abu Bakr He always did things, including attempted murder of Malik without informing Abu Bakr Al-Isaba, vol. I, p. 414-415
[132] al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. II, p. 389
[133] Ibid vol. II, p. 398
[134] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 122
[135] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. II, p. 397
[136] al-Isaba, vol. I, p. 415
[137] Ibid Ibn Hajar says they believe he has died in Damascus (Hims).
[138] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VII, p. 397-398; al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VII, p. 115
[139] al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VII, p. 116
[140] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 887; al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 42
[141] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 410
[142] Ibid ol III, p. 343; al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 86
[143] al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 16; al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 42; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 412 and 343; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 227
[144] al-Musannaf, vol. V, p. 454; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. II, p. 394
[145] Tarikh Khalifat, Ibn Khayyat, p.. 123.
[146] Tarikh Suriya and Lubnan and Filistin, pp 62-63
[147] Suyuti, al-Muzhir, quoted from, al-Nasraniyya wa Adabuha, p. 31
[148] al-Nasraniyya wa Adabuha, pp 124-141
[149] Futuh al-Buldan, pp 128 and 137
[150] Ya‘qubi’s creed is ascribed to Ya‘qub Barda‘i (b 578AD) his followers are called monophysicist The said creed is about the Christ believing in one divine nature rather than two divine human natures Ya‘qubi expanded the sect throughout Syria, so named after the sect It spread through Syria in the north to Armenia and to Egypt in the south and that is why the Armenians and Egyptians still keep this belief Parallel to this, in Mesopotamia, there emerged Nestorian sect adopting two natures in Messiah though finding them not unified The founder is Nestorius and it emerged several decades before Ya‘qubi’s creed Tarikh Suriya and Lubnan and Flistin, pp 412-413; Will Durant’s Tarikh Tamaddun, vol. IV (Age of Faith, part I) pp 63-64
[151] al-Nasraniyya wa Adabuha, p. 38
[152] concerning different views in this respect, Ash-Sham fi Sadr al-Islam, pp 63-64; Tarikh Tamaddun, vol. IV, P. 64
[153] Ash-Sham fi Sadr al-Islam, p. 62
[154] Tarikh Suriya and Lubnan and Filistin, pp 447-450
[155] The beginning Verses of Sura ar-Rum referring to defeat of Romans and promising their imminent victory are concerned with the same events
[156] About life of Heraclitos and the events in his time, Tarikh Tamaddun, vol. IV (Age of Faith, part I) pp 543-545
[157] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. I, p. 37
[158] Futuh al-Buldan,p. 115
[159] Ibid p. 116
[160] Tarikh Suriya and Lubnan and Flistin, vol. II, p. 6
[161] Futuh al-Buldan, p. 123
[162] Futuh al-Buldan, p. 116
[163] Atlas Tarikh Islam, p. 126
[164] Futuh al-Buldan, p. 121
[165] Futuh al-Buldan, pp 128-129
[166] There is a disagreement on departure time of these tribes al-Mufassal fi Tarikh al-’Arab qabl al-Islam, vol. III, p. 162
[167] al-Mufassal, vol. III, pp 172-173
[168] al-Tariq ’Ila al-Mada’in, p. 132
[169] al-Mufassal, vol. III, p. 165
[170] Ibid vol. III, pp 169-171
[171] Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol. III, p. 712
[172] al-Mufassal, vol. III, p. 159
[173] Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol. III, p. 710
[174] About that, Usul Asma’ al-Mudun wa l-mawaqi‘ al-‘Araqiyya, vol. I, pp 100-101
[175] it seems the reason is that there are several people named “Nu‘man” among kings of this dynasty as well as several people named ” Mundhir ”
[176] al-Mufassal, vol. III, from p. 177 on
[177] Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol.III, p.712
[178] al-Nasraniyya wa Adabuha bayn ‘Arab al-jahiliyya, p. 87
[179] Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol. III, p. 715
[180] Tarikh Iran vol. III, p. 713-714
[181] Tarikh Iran, vol. III, p. 720
[182] Futuh misr wa akhbaruha, p. 129
[183] Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol. III, p. 720
[184] al-Tariq ’Ila al-Mada’in, p. 202
[185] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 111
[186] al-Isaba, vol. III, p. 361
[187] Futuh al-Buldan, p. 242
[188] al-Isti‘ab (on the margin of al-Isaba) vol. III, p. 522; al-Isaba, vol. III, p. 362
[189] al-Tariq ’Ila al-Mada’in, pp 209-211
[190] Ibid pp 215-216
[191] Spuler, Tarikh Iran, vol. I, p. 6
[192] Mu‘jam al-Buldan, vol. I, p. 431
[193] Spuler, Tarikh Iran, vol. I, p. 8
[194] Futuh al-Buldan, p. 244
[195] Usul Asma’ al-Mudun wa l-mawaqi‘ al-‘Araqiyya, vol. I, p. 31
[196] Futuh al-Buldan, p. 248
[197] Spuler, Tarikh Iran, vol. I, p. 13
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