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The Kharijites in Muawiyas time
Succeeding Imam's martyrdom, Kufa was composed of classes with various schools of thought, the mojority indifferent, those on Mu'awiya's side, those regarded as Kharijites or Imam 'Ali's Shi'ite Muslims. As many people had lost their close kins in Nahrawan War, they naturally could not remain faithful to 'Ali's descendants.
However, due to their enmity towards Mu'awiya, they got ready to join the army organizied by Imam Hasan (a) against Mu'awiya. After appearing indifference and inclinations on the part of the Kufiyan nobles towards Mu'awiya specificly in the process of compromising, the Kharijites decided to assassinate Imam, although their attempt failed.
At the same time, Mu'awiya predominated all over the Islamic land especially Iraq. The Kharijites considered both enmity towards 'Ali (a) and practical disgust for Mu'awiya and his agents as their principal responsibilities. On account of their disbelief in Taqiyya (precautionary dissimulation), a few [1907] were assembled in a 40 or 70-people small group to clash with an army.
Moreover, owing to their deep-rooted beliefs, even if deviated, they were never seeking after a means of escape. They, in light of their distinctive morale, in no way approved leniency. [1908] If the Kharijites hesitated over combating 'Ali (a) formerly but later they even those who were not convinced to combat 'Ali (a) in Nahrawan [1909], had no doubts about battling against Mu'awiya.
'Urwa Ibn Sakhr had stated, Due to my long and close affinity with 'Ali (a) I did abstain from battling against him and now I shall definitely rise up against Mu'awiya. [1910]
In the face of such remarkable deviation as the Umayya's sovereignty, tyranny and oppression that the people of distinct classes sustained, the existence of the Kharijites appeared evident. Since many of the oppressed regarded them as a group able to stand against the Umayya beside them, the continuity of their movement throughout this sovereignty was incontestable.
No sooner had Mu'awiya left Iraq than the Kharijites revolted. Nearly five hundred of them who had already gone to Shahrzur with Farwa Ibn Nawfal returned Kufa following the compromise. Mu'awiya himself had the people of Kufa combat them. [1911]
Subsequenly, small groups of the Kharijites like Mu'in al-Khariji and Abu Maryam from among the Mawali of Banu al-Harith Ibn Ka'b and Sahm Ibn Ghalib revolted against Kufa governor, Mughira, so were all massacred. [1912]
The leniency of Mughira toward the Kharijites culminated in their gathering from various regions in Kufa. Therefore, they could confer with one another. [1913] Having fled with four hundred of the Kharijites to Riy, Mustawrid Ibn 'Ullafa after 'Ali's martyrdom returned Kufa and together with Hayyan Ibn Zabyan convened meetings with other the Kharijites.
Hayyan Ibn Zabyan who was a leader for the Kharijites in Riy proposed them, Let's return our homelands, towards our brothers in order to enjoin them good, forbid them from evil and summon them to battle against the parties. We have no excuse not to rise up while our governor generals are all tyrants, the tradition of guiding is abandoned and all those slaying our brothers are alive. We ought to avenge. [1914]
When gathering in Kufa, the Kharijites negotiated about designating an emir. Three figures were nominated, Mustawrid Ibn 'Ullafa, Mu'adh Ibn Juwayn and Hayyan Ibn Zabyan. The report of negotiation is presented by Abu Mikhnaf. The aforesaid report is consisted of their opinions concerned with the eligibility of an emir.
Mustawrid said, Elect anyone you like. It does make no difference for me whom from among you be my governor-general.
I have no request for it. I shall be gratified with and swear allegiance to any one designated, said Hayyan. Mu'adh Ibn Juwayn also declared, When you two, Muslims' Sayyid (chiefs) with renowned lineages, and as the high-qualified and pious ones say so, who shall then undertake Muslims' responsibility? If all are equal in virtues, the most well-informed in wars, the most intelligent in religion and the most liable of whom ought to be designated for Muslims' guardianship. Since both of you merit this position, thus one of you two should consent.
In return they, two, suggested it to him.
You are my senior, he added.
The audience of the Kharijites announced, We approve you all three. Elect one from among yourselve.
Hayyan Ibn Zabyan told Mustawrid, I do agree with Mu'adh. You are my senior too. Give your hand to swear allegiance to you.
In this way Mustawrid was designated. The Kharijites swore allegiance to him all. [1915] Mughira who had perceived the probability of revolt arrested Hayyan Ibn Zabyan. Mustawrid and his followers rose in revolt, although Mughira had warned the chiefs of all tribes earlier to banish them from themselves and not allow them to influence on their tribes.
Tabari's report and that of Mubarrid's varies concerning the Kharijites first clashes with Mu'awiya. Yet, all are unanimous that the Kharijites with a few numbers battled against Damascus army but were immediately defeated. [1916]
Mubarrid and Baladhuri have recounted many adventures about the Kharijites in Mu'awiya's tenure that manifest the scope of their infiltration into diverse tribes. [1917] At any war whether mini or massive, the Kharijites had commanders.
After the Kharijites' suppression, 'Ali (a) recommended his followers, [1918] Under no circumstances should you enter into confilict with the Kharijites after me.
This instruction was given by Imam to Shi'ite Muslims to bear their main enmity towards the Umayya in mind and not to waste their strength on combating the Kharijites who were among the Umayya foes. Regretfully, this instruction was not heeded on the part of the Shi'ite Muslims.
Addressing his tribe and reiterating that they were faithful to Shi'ism and the leadership of the Prophet's household, Sa'sa'a Ibn Suhan, an eloquent chief of the Shi'ite Muslims said, [1919] Not a single group like this group shows enmity towards Allah, the Holy Prophet's household and Muslims; the wrongdoing Mariqin (the deviators) who seceded from our Imam, declared shedding our blood lawful and considered us infidel.
This statement of Ibn Suhan foreboded that the Shi'ite Muslims' hatred of the Kharijites made them not only remain indifferent in the face of their revolt but conversely become set on suppressing them. And it was exactly beacause almost all Shi'ite Muslims knew them as the fundamental cause for the failure of the Shi'ites movement. 'Adi Ibn Hatim, another Shi'ites leader, had made the same remarks on aversion to the Kharijites. [1920]
The command of war against the Kharijites was undertaken by Ma'qal Ibn Qays who was a commander in Imam 'Ali's army.
As soon as being informed of the Shi'ite Muslims' inclination for a battle with the Kharijites, Mughira as well as his advisors became pleased and it was emanated from this fact that, Ý [1921] since they had battled with them once before, they could have shed their blood more daringly and severely.
Whatever its outcome might be even the Shi'ite Muslims' failure could be for the Umayya benefit because both rivals, the Umayya adversaries, had enfeebled each other.
Not merely had Imam 'Ali (a) realized and warned about such perils [1922], but Imam Hasan (a) also had considered it wrong via his conduct practically. Subsequent to the compromise, when Imam (a) set out to Medina, a riot had been triggered by the Kharijites. Mu'awiya urged Imam to prepare for a battle against the Kharijites.
In his reaction he stated, If I were supposed to combat anyone, I would start from you first.
By the same token, in the course of Mustawrid Ibn 'Ullafa's revolt, along with three thousand from The most purified Shi'ite Muslims.
Ma'qal Ibn Qays moved to him. While the Kharijites were in the vicinity of Basra, the Umayya governor of Basra, 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Amir, did emulate Mughira and dispatched three thousand Shi'ite Muslims led by Sharik Ibn A'war who was a renowned Shi'ites of Basra towards them. [1923]
Upon hearing the news of the strike by Kufa army, Mustawrid took counsel from people. Some suggested battling and some other retreating.
The decision, however, was to keep away from the army and refrain from confronting provided that they were faced unexpectedly which would result in a conflict. [1924] The details of this conflict are delineated by Tabari that Mustawrid was killed on the one hand and Ma'qal Ibn Qays on the other hand. At this juncture, the Kharijites, who under no circumslances were eradicated, dispersed.
It is worth reminding that the Kharijites of this period of time had an extremely harsh treatment towards other Muslims. The only caliphates confirmed in their sight were those of Abu Bakr and 'Umar so that they had laid them both beside Kitab (Qur'an) and Sunna (Tradition). In his narration, one of the Kharijites has referred to a letter from Mustawrid to the governor of Ctesiphon whereas naming him Amir al-Mu'minin. [1925] It denoted that he must have been regarded as a caliph by the Kharijites.
It has been cited that the first one who propounded in earnest the subject of blasphemy on the part of the members of the tribe was Sahm Ibn Ghalib Hujaymi who revolted against 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Amir in Basra in 44 A.H. [1926] This very issue could play a cardinal role in making the Kharijites secede from the Islamic community. Basra was among the areas accommodating a multitude of the Kharijites in those days.
Rising up in this region, accompanied by some seventy people, Qarib Azdi and Zahhaf Tayi were murdered in 50 A.H. following a clash. As recorded by Ibn Athir, Ziyad who was too rigorous and unyielding towards the Kharijites had prescribed his substitute in Basra, Samura Ibn Jundab, to treat them relentlessly. They clashed with a mass number of the Kharijites and flourished to decimate them. [1927] Their considerable number in Basra did account for such severe actions.
Once more rioting in 58 A.H. a group of the Kharijites were instantly suppressed near to Kufa. Ibn Ziyad's dealing towards the Kharijites was also such a tough one that he at times incited them to slay one another. Concurrently a throng of them who were imprisoned by him became slaughtered after a while. [1928]
At this stage like the succeeding ones the firm defiance of the Kharijites against Umayya troops is utterly perceptible as once at the end of Mu'awiya's caliphate, a forty-member group caused Ibn Ziyad's two-thousand-soldier army to flee and make the commander of which be humiliated for a lengthy time. [1929]

Muawiyas Endeavor for Hereditary Caliphate
Earlier it was quoted from Muhammad Rashid Riďa that Abu Bakr's action in delegating a successor paved the ground of making caliphate hereditary. [1930] As Marwan Ibn Hakam too reasoned Abu Bakr's measure in designating 'Umar while recommending succession to the throne. [1931]
A hereditary authority bore two features one of which was designation of a successor by the former monarch and another was designation of a son or a member from monarch's lineage as a successor. The latter was submitted from Mu'awiya's time on. Under the pretext of his kinship with 'Uthman, he not only addressed his heritance in order to justify his caliphate but also he proposed the subject of making caliphate hereditary by appointing his son, endowed with no religious, political or military trait.
Although this matter has always been unusual among Muslims, hereditary caliphate later became the most fundamental principle in a caliph's designation. Merely when the Umayya's administration was converting into that of the 'Abbasids and the 'Abbasids' administration into that of 'Uthmanids the theory of hereditary caliphate was declared null and void through transfer of caliphate from a lineage to another, yet replaced by violence and force.
Except the cases aforesaid the hereditary succession was treated as a radical principle for appointing a new caliph. Deviation from the traditional system, at least nominally claimed to be established on consultation and nation's vote, was intolerably disagreeable for believing Muslims. However, the status quo was in a way that all endorsed it and but a minority no one defied. The internal coherence of the Umayya reinforced by 'Uthman's charity in addition to conveyance of farmlands impelled the Umayya to adopt a measure for safeguarding their power.
If it were let to take its normal course, 'Uthman would beyond question designate Mu'awiya as his successor. And because it was delayed by his assassination, Mu'awiya did afterwards withstand obstinately. It stood to reason that when securing the power, he on no accounts would allow the monarchy to make an exit from his family.
Except the Shi'ite Muslims and the Kharijites, throughout the Islamic world, in the face of the official caliphate not only no Sunnites laid claim to the caliphate but also he did never credit that through power and wealth one could become a caliph. Such regions as Spain, North Africa and Egypt experienced further caliphs later.
In Mu'awiya's tenure, not simply did Damascus people never stood against approving of Yazid's succession but they also insisted on it because their entity before claimants emerging from Arabia Petrae or Iraq depended upon aiding the Umayya to remain in power. Persuading the people of Medina however who were, from among disciples' descendants, seemed thorny.
On one hand, Iraq was naturally opposed to Damascus and besides Kufa Shi'ite Muslims, Iraqi the Kharijites were thoroughly opposed to the Umayya on the other hand. Realizing the public opinions about governorship at that time shall appear convenient through a review of the reasoning on the part of Mu'awiya and his opponents in regard with a hereditary caliphate.
It was already discussed that Mu'awiya's rule had lost its nature of caliphate and transformed into monarchism of which nature necessitated the subsequent caliphate or designation to be hereditary. 'Umar himself had by that time likened Mu'awiya's rule in Damascus to those of Kasra and Caesar. When Mu'awiya secured the authority freelance, people named him Heraclitus. [1932]
The matter of making caliphate hereditary as well as Mu'awiya's endeavor regarding it are set forth in detail in Al-Futuh and Al-Imama wa as-Siyasa. Others also have referred to it concisely. The ground for the notion of Yazid's succession to throne could be paved following Imam Hasan Mujtaba's martyrdom. [1933]
Despite the fact that there existed no unanimity on who had for the first time suggested this notion, many a look was at Mughira Ibn Shu'ba. In late 40s A.H. Peeling that he might be deposed by Mu'awiya due to his oldness and inability in running Kufa, he set out to Damascus to stimulate Yazid to talk about his did so to his father and he succeeded after all. Mughira also on his part told Mu'awiya that he feared that the recent events, sedition and divergence, in the course of 'Uthman's caliphate might reoccur once again.
You had better designate a successor and it would be far better if he were Yazid, your son [1934], he added.
Admitting his proposal, Mu'awiya delegated Mughira to gradually prepare the ground in Kufa. He dispatched a number to Damascus for this reason. [1935]
Beyond any doubt such a notion had been in Mu'awiya's mind for a long time, but Mughira's was a sparkle for making it public. After Ziyad Ibn Abih became the governor of Kufa, Mu'awiya propounded the issue of successorship. Totally negligent of Mu'awiya's intention, he did his utmost by a trick to change Mu'awiya's and even Yazid's mind in this respect. [1936]
From 55 on the effort Mu'awiya made to stabilize Yazid's position multiplied. On a trip to Mecca and Medina, religious centers Mu'awiya exerted himself to engross the people through substantial open-handedness. It does surprisingly merit consideration that people seemed gratified, however.
The poets such as 'Uqayba al-Asadi and 'Abd Allah Ibn Hammam as-Saluli who hated Yazid composed some verses of poems for reproaching him although Mu'awiya could muzzle them with paying hush-up money. [1937]
When he returned to Damascus to keep on his activities, he summoned groups of people from Kufa and Basra. Mu'awiya compelled Dhahhak Ibn Qays to address the congregation and advance the issue of successorship. Consequently, indicting Iraqi people for being hypocritical and schismatic, he denounced them. [1938] In the same meeting, Ahnaf Ibn Qays announced, As long as Hasan Ibn 'Ali is alive, the people of Iraq and Hijaz will neverever swear allegiance.
Accusing the Iraqi of hypocrisy, Qays Ibn Dhahhak said, Hasan and ones like him have nothing to do with divine king whom He has appointed; caliphate is not inherited collaterally from a daughter.
Ahnaf Ibn Qays, in his response, reminded Mu'awiya's commitments promised to Hasan Ibn 'Ali and referred warningly to Iraqis' loathing for Mu'awiya which might cause the swords to rise up from Iraq. After that, Mu'awiya kept silence about allegiance to Yazid until 50 (Imam Hasan was martyred in 49 A.H). [1939]
Mu'awiya appointed Dhahhak Ibn Qays and 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn 'Uthman, advocating Yazid strongly in that very meeting, as the governors of Kufa and Hijaz respectively to pave the way. [1940]
Mu'awiya was of this opinion that from the standpoint of religion the main problem lies in Medina. Were it feasible to persuade Iraq by force, reasoning would definitely be required for Medina to get satisfied.
Already written to Mu'awiya by Sa'id Ibn 'As was, People follow these few individuals therefore as long as the latter have not sworn allegiance, the former would by no means do so. [1941]
Ibn Qutayba had also written that but few, all did hesitate to swear allegiance. Typically they were the Hashimites neither of whom did so. [1942] Before he came, Mu'awiya had sent various letters mingled with either menace or allure to all those opposing allegiance. [1943]
In a session convened on this occasion following Mu'awiya's arrival in Medina, opposers voiced their diverse opinions.
'Abd Allah Ibn Jafar addressed Mu'awiya as saying, If you have recourse to Qur'an, Ulu al-Arham (relatives) enjoy priority over one another; if you practice the Prophet's Sunna (tradition), they are the kins of Allah's Apostle (S) ; and if you practice the Sunna of Abu Bakr and 'Umar, who would ever be more deserved than the Prophet's household?
By Almighty Allah, if Wilayat (Islamic jurisprudential guardianship) were lain with them after the Prophet, 'Amr (authority) would have been properly conveyed to the rightful. Caliphate does belong to Quraysh. O Mu'awiya, fear from Allah! Here are 'Abd Allah Ibn Jafar, 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Abbas, Hasan and Husayn, 'Ali's sons, and it is me, Zubayr's son. [1944] You are well aware of our positions! Warned 'Abd Allah Ibn Zubayr.
'Abd Allah Ibn 'Umar stated that caliphate was not those of Heraclitus or Kasra to be inherited from fathers.
If it had been the case, I should have as a result secured the authority after my father. This caliphate not only belongs to Quraysh but also to those whom Muslims comply with and are more pious furthermore, he added.
Irrespective of securing allegiance for Yazid, in his response, Mu'awiya uttered, This belongs to 'Abd Manaf's descendants since they are from among the Prophet's kins. People themselves aided Abu Bakr and 'Umar to secure the power. Although they were brought up by no monarch or caliph, they had extremely admirable lifestyles and conduct.
Monarchism was transferred to 'Abd Manaf after them and it will remain perpetually among them until the Day of Judgment. And you! O sons of Zubayr and 'Umar! Allah has deprived you from this authority. Afterwards he returned to Damascus. [1945]
According to some sources, at the very same meeting, somewhere else in his intimidating speech, Mu'awiya had warned that if they did not swear allegiance, He would do so and so. [1946]
Mu'awiya told Imam Husayn (a), I procrastinated this city's allegiance owing to the fact that they are from among the kins of mine. If I could feel that there existed anyone else better than my son among Muhammad's Umma (nation), I would neverever let him be picked out.
Imam (a) who had been agitated for his remarks, accused Yazid of being debauchee and drinking wine.
Menacingly, Mu'awiya warned him as saying, Be cautious lest someone from Damascus (accompanying Mu'awiya) [1947] hear your voice. [1948] Later he threatened others concerning the people of Damascus. [1949]

'Ayisha was among the oppossers.
Regarding the lawfulness of Yazid's successorship Mu'awiya told her, It is a Divine destiny about Yazid. No one has the option. The nation has considered swearing allegiance to him as its duty and has sworn to him. Do you think they must breach their allegiance? [1950]
Another reasoning on the part of Mu'awiya vis-a-vis the opponents was the Imamate permit for an inferior over a superior. Addressing Imam Husayn (a) and a number of disciples and contrasting them with Yazid and qualifying him to be well acquainted with Kitab and Sunna, he stated that in the war of Dhat as-Salasil, Allah's Apostle (S) had singled out 'Amr Ibn 'As as superior over Abu Bakr and 'Umar and appointed him as the commander.
Accordingly, if the Prophet (a) were a good model, such an action i.e the superiority permit of an inferior over a superior would certainly appear reasonable then. By the same token, they should concur with Yazid's caliphate. [1951]
In return, Imam Husayn in his lengthy sermon alluded to the extorted right of his lineage after prophet's demise as well as Yazid's black records and added, O Mu'awiya! How can you reason out by what is already abrogated. [1952]
Dissenting 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Umar, Mu'awiya replied, You have declared yourself that you can never go to bed while swearing allegiance is on your responsibility. This issue is divine destiny about Yazid and there is an option for noone. People have sworn allegiance to him.
'Abd Allah touching upon the predecessor's manners pointed out, The caliphs preceding you had surely have offsprings. Although theirs must have been for better than your son, they at no time did what you do about yours.
'Abd al-Rahman, Abu Bakr's son, recommended this job be assigned to a council. [1953] What else Mu'awiya in his public speeche to dwellers of Medina vocalized was that Allah's Messenger (S) did designate no successor to himself; howevere, Abu Bakr did and neither did 'Umar behave like him. He assigned it to a six-member council. Inasmuch as neither Abu Bakr did like the Prophet nor 'Umar like Abu Bakr, I am, therefore, able to do what they had never done both, I do designate my successor. [1954]
Another question Ibn Zubayr posed was whether it was credible to swear allegiance to him where as his father, Mu'awiya, was alive. He voiced to Mu'awiya that he would be ready to swear allegiance to his son provided that he abdicates himself. If he swore allegiance to his son while he himself is alive, whom should he abide by? [1955]
This problem was solved after a while though it was the starting-point of the process at that time. It is quoted from Ibn Zubayr that on the strength of the hadith, No one is entitled to be obeyed while the creator was disobeyed he contradicted the allegiance to Yazid. [1956]
In order Mu'awiya to allure a group of eminent opponents, he sent gifts, nevertheless, Husayn Ibn 'Ali declined. [1957]
Being unable to flourish in Medina, he left it for Mecca. He guessed new schemes now. Mu'awiya made those coming from various spots for pilgrimage come together and he proclaimed later that a few swore allegiance to him for Yazid privately.
A number of people from Damascus with their swords sheathed out yelled out that have to do so openly, but Mu'awiya made them silent. Climbing down the pulpit, he distributed a many present among them and set out for Damascus. Although those individuals were present at the assembly, they dare not deny.
However, later they revealed that it has been naught but a trick and they had never sworn. [1958] Since Mu'awiya had not sent any present to the Hashimites, the 'Abbassids intimidated him. That he would go around Damascus and stimulate people against him. Mu'awiya had to concede and send [1959] but Imam Husayn (a) declined them all once again. [1960]
A few years later, not merely he himself re-secured allegiance for Yazid but he also wrote to the governor of Medina to do so from people. People are all conforming to these few ones such as Husayn (a), 'Abd Allah Ibn Abi Bakr, 'Abd Allah Ibn Zubayr as well as 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Umar and not a single one of them can be convinced to swear allegiance to me, wrote Sa'id Ibn 'As, the governor, to Mu'awiya. [1961] The dwellers of Damascus propounded the issue of inheritance and admitted it as a principle in caliphate. A poet had composed as follows,


Were Ramla or Hind introduced as the caliph, we would swear allegiance to her as Amira al-Mu'minin (the Commanderess of the Believers) and if a Kasra passed away and another Kasra replaced him, they would be all three equal at our sight. [1962]
And also 'Abd Allah Ibn Hammam as-Saluli had composed for Yazid as,



Soothe yourself with patience. Who does ever expect an eternal life in this world? Yazid inherited the caliphate from his father and you O Mu'awiya Ibn Yazid assume it from your own father, Yazid. O Harb's sons, do maintain the caliphate amongst yourselves and never relinguish it. [1963]
What has been observed within the poems belonging to Umayya poets was that they have treated Umayya caliphs as the successors of Allah's Messenger (S).

Walid being in the position of Muhammad's successor responds with good), had composed Farazdaq regarding Walid Ibn 'Abd al-Malik. [1964]
It has been ignored that this approach was perfectly unknown for the disciple's descendants and what 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Umar had asserted, This caliphate is dissimilar to those of Heraclitus and Khusraw that anyone who departs a son of his replaces him.
'Abd al-Rahman Ibn Abu Bakr also stated, We desire to hear not a word about Roman's tradition according which any Heraclitus passed away, another Heraclitus substituted him. [1965] Here, it has been endowed with the narrations from those following the Divine Books as well in order to forebode the indubitability of Mu'awiya's and Yazid's caliphate though it does not stand to reason whether such narrations have solely been manipulated at that time or the Umayya's adherents had fabricated them later. A typical narration of Ka'b al-Akhbar in light of Mu'awiya's caliphate has been subsequent to 'Uthman's assassination. [1966]
'Abd Allah Ibn 'Amr Ibn 'As famed for dealing with the books written by followers of the divine Books had conducted a survey of books in Christians' churches in Damascus before he informed Ibn Zubayr, In conformity with my research on books, you will claim caliphate, yet you are not a caliph but Yazid Ibn Mu'awiya is. Also quoted from him is, Mu'awiya and his son are the kings of the holy earth [1967]
In course of such a process, counterfeited hadiths can be traced, as an instance, The Holy Prophet had prophesied Mu'awiya's future caliphate. [1968]
All endeavors made on the part of Mu'awiya to stabilize Yazid's position fulfilled whilst large numbers of those at odds in Iraq and Hijaz still remained like fire under ashes.
It was mentioned that the dwellers of Damascus persisted on Yazid's successorship and it was in view of the fact that first, Umayya Islam was predominant and the Umayya was deemed as the manifestation of Islam and secondly their benefits in comparison with those of Iraq necessitated to advocate the Umayya. Ultimately, they pressured Mu'awiya, in his last days of life, into introducing his son. Making him wear the caliphate robe, Mu'awiya officially appointed him as his successor. [1969]
In an account written to Yazid, appointing him as the next caliph after him, Mu'awiya wrote, Bear in mind, the Umayya along with the family of 'Abd Shams must be granted priority over the Hashimites and so must the family of 'Uthman over the family of Abi Turab as well as the descendants [1970] and in such a way the future policy for the Umayyads was specified by him.
While Mu'awiya was expressing his regret and sorrow for shedding the blood of Hujr Ibn 'Adi and 'Amr Ibn Hamiq under his breath, he resigned his shameful life after nineteen years and three months of rule in Rajab, 60 AH.
Notes:
[1699] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XX, pp 298-299; Nahj al-Balaghah, letter 454 of Ali to Muawiya; concerning Muawiyas ignoring insult of one Jew towards one Muslim; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p. 160
[1700] al-Aghani, vol. VI, p. 355; some time Abu Sufyan, at the Hamzas grave, said, God bless thee ; You fought us over something that came under control; al-Amta wa l-Muanisa, vol. II, p. 75
[1701] Rasail al-Jahi, al-Rasail As-Siyasiya, p. 344
[1702] Tathbit Dalail al-Nubuwwa, p. 593 Hasan Basri has said, Muawiya had been preparing Himself for caliphate since Umars tenure Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, p. 24
[1703] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, pp 17,18,20; Rasail al-Jahi, al-Rasail As-Siyasiya, p. 344
[1704] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. IX, p. 161
[1705] al-Iqd al-farid, vol. I, p. 15, vol. V, p. 114; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, p. 18; once Muawiya was complained at the presence of Umar Umar said, Leave us away from reproaching Qurayshs young man and his son of the prophets descendant Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, p. 18 This is most likely to be attributed to Umar
[1706] al-Ghadir, vol. IX, p. 35 From Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. V, pp 88,90 Jahi said, One of the most significant reasons of the Sufyanids for substantiating Muawiyas caliphate was his own statement He stated, This is a position thereto Umar has designated me Never did he depose me since he designated me whereas he designated no emir unless he deposed him or at least he was incensed by his actions and summoned him Neither did he depose me nor was incensed He did consign Damascus thoroughly to me and succeeding him Uthman did reinforce me; Rasail al-Jahi, al-Rasail As-Siyasiya, p. 385
[1707] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p. 550
[1708] al-Fakhri, p. 77, Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, Vol XXV, p. 30
[1709] Waqat Siffin P. 32; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, p. 30
[1710] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. IV, p. 229; al-Ghadir, vol. VI, p. 304; vol. IX, p. 373
[1711] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 33; al-Niza wa l-takhasum, p. 28
[1712] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XI, p. 87; It has been narrated that there were some in Damascus saying; If Muawiya is not a prophet, he is at least half of a prophet; See also Bahjat al-Majalis, vol. I, p. 550 And once one of his devotees met him, he, as a salutation, addressed him, O Allahs Messenger! See also al-Awaíl, Tustari, p. 163; Regarding the person who cursed Ali in front of Muawiya, Ahnaf Ibn Qays asserted, By Allah if he knew your gratification was in cursing all the prophets, he would certainly do so ; al-Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p. 113
[1713] As an instance, it has been quoted from the Holy prophet as stating, , In sight of Allah the trustees are three, Jibriil (Gabriel), Muawiya and me Such narations have been discussed in detail by Ibn Asakir; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, pp 5-16
[1714] al-Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p. 81
[1715] Risalat al-Jahi fi Banu Umayya, p. 124 in al-Niza wa l-takhasum
[1716] Ansab al-Ashraf, Vol II, pp 393-397; Waqat Siffin, p. 118, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. III, p. 188; Muruj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 10; SamT Nujum al-awali, vol. II, p. 465
[1717] al-kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 157 Muawiya definitely intended to prepare the ground for his succession through his coming to Damascus
[1718] Being requested for an aid by Uthman, Muawiya along with two others came to Medina and went to Uthman overnight Have you brought any helper?, Uthman questioned
[1719] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. IV, p. 62; Balaghat al-Nisa, p. 139; al-Iqd al-farid, vol. VI, p. 90
[1720] al-Gharat, p. 70
[1721] Diwan Farazdaq, Vol I, p. 25
[1722] Ibid, vol. II, p. 210
[1723] Diwan farazdaq, vol. II, p. 210
[1724] Ibid, vol. I, p. 114
[1725] Diwan Farazdaq vol. I, p. 336; al-Umawiyyun wa l-Khilafa, pp 13-15, other verser are mentioned besides the aforesaid poems
[1726] Rasail al-Jahi, al-Rasail As-Siyasiyya, pp 345-346
[1727] Waqat Siffin, p. 28
[1728] Ayan Ash-Shia, vol. III, Section 2, p. 12
[1729] Waqat Siffin, p. 58
[1730] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 121
[1731] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. V, p. 161 ; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, p. 27
[1732] Waqat Siffin, p. 82
[1733] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, Vol I, p. 100
[1734] Waqat Siffin, pp 78,80
[1735] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 342; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. 25, p. 42
[1736] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. V, p. 39
[1737] Waqat Siffin, p. 63
[1738] Waqat Siffin, p. 64
[1739] Nahj al-Balaghah, letter 28.
[1740] al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 237
[1741] Ansab al-Ashraf, Vol II, p. 216
[1742] al-Fitna wa waqat al-Jamal, p. 109; from: Min dawlat Umar ila dawlat Abd al-Malik, p. 109
[1743] al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, Vol I, p. 300; Ash-Shura fi l-Asr al-umawi, p. 34; Later on, when two Umayya (Abd Allah Ibn Umar Ibn Abd al-Aziz with Sulayman Ibn Hisham) performed their prayers led by one of Kharijites, an outsider composed, Not you know Allahs religion won while Quraysh performed its prayer behind the tribe of Bakr Ibn Wail al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. I, p. 343, vol. II, p. 265; Shir al-kharijites, p. 208, from Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. VIII, p. 365, vol. III, p. 137; Tarikh at-Tabari, Vol II, p. 1913
[1744] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. III, p. 318, vol. VI, p95; al-Basair wa l-dhakair, p. 35
[1745] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. VI, p. 148
[1746] al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p. 67
[1747] al-Aghani, vol. XVI, pp 35-36; Ash-Shir wa l-shuara, p. 302; see: al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. I, p. 63
[1748] al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p. 115
[1749] Tabaqat al-Mutazila, p. 6; Faďl al-Itizal wa Tabaqat al-Mutazila, p. 143, al-Awaíl, Abu Hilal Askari, vol. II, p. 125
[1750] Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. III, p. 529
[1751] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. IX, p. 85 ( )
[1752] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 205, Aswad Ibn Yazid narrated, he enquired Ayisha Is not it surprising that a man from Tulaqa (the released) is disputing with Muhammads companions on caliphate? No need to surprise Ayisha replied, It is a Divine power that Allah grants to both debauchees and the righteous; as Pharaoh ruled Egypt for four hundred years; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XV, p. 42
[1753] al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 180, al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p. 49; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol.,V, p. 220; al-Iqd al-farid, vol. IV; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 449; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Vol XVI, p. 202; Jamharat KhuTab al-Arab, vol. II, p. 273; al-umawiyyun wa l-Khilafa, p. 25
[1754] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 225; Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 226; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p. 299, No 798
[1755] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 214
[1756] al-umawiyyun wa l-Khilafa, p. 65 From Ash-Shir wa l-shuara, vol. I, p. 544; al-Aghani, vol. 20, p. 212; Khazanat al-adab, vol. III, p. 59; Shir Miskin, p. 33
[1757] Ibid, vol. V, p. 344
[1758] Ibid, vol. V, p. 344
[1759] Musnad Ahmad, vol. IV, p. 273; vol. V, p. 44,50,404; al-Jami As-Sahih (Sunan al-Tirmidhi) I am the first monarch and the last caliph; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, p. 55; Kitab al-fitan, No 48
[1760] Sunan al-Darimi, vol. I, p. 6
[1761] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. V, p. 237-238; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 463, 464
[1762] Ibid, vol. IV, p. 346
[1763] Musnad Ahmad, vol. IV, p. 185
[1764] al-Kamil fi l-lughat wa l-adab, vol. II, p. 191
[1765] Musnad Ahmad, vol. V, p. 220,221; Tirmidhi has narrated the aforegoing quotation from Said Ibn Jamhan quoted from Sufayna; He quoted from Said telling Sufayna, The Umayya is of this opinion that caliphate belongs to them They are lying, they are the kings and from the worst kinds he answered Al-Jami As-Sahih, vol. IV, p. 503; al-Niza wa l-takhasum, p. 70; Tirmidhi has added that the Umayya had claimed that caliphate was lain among them by the Holy Prophet(s
[1766] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 429 It merits consideration that those fabricating Hadiths have been trying to be accurate in calculation
[1767] al-Jami As-Sahih, Kitab al-fitan, No 49
[1768] Musnad Ahmad, vol. IV, p. 273; Kitab Muslim, Kitab al-zuhd, No 4
[1769] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. V, p. 78
[1770] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. V, p. 39
[1771] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 16,46; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, pp 43,45
[1772] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. III, p. 47
[1773] Bahjat al-Majalis, vol. I, p. 99; al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p. 105
[1774] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 201
[1775] Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 441
[1776] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p. 48-49
[1777] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. VIII, p. 210; Tarikh Yaqubi, vol. II, 217; al-Musannaf, Abd al-Razzaq, vol. I, p. 291
[1778] Muntakhabat al-tawarikh li-Dimashq, p. 81 quoted from Min dawlat Umar ila dawlat abd al-Malik, p. 146
[1779] Rasail al-Jahi, Rasail al-kalamiyya, p. 241
[1780] Tarikh Khulafa, pp 196,203
[1781] Tarikh Yaqubi, vol. II, p. 232
[1782] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VI, p. 20
[1783] Akhbar Isbahan, vol. II, p. 255
[1784] al-Bad wa l-Tarikh, vol. VI, p. 6; Tarikh Yaqubi, vol. II, p. 232
[1785] Tarikh Yaqubi, vol. II, p. 233
[1786] al-Isaba, vol. III, p. 434
[1787] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. V, p. 230-240
[1788] al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VIII, p. 132
[1789] Khilafat wa mulukiyyat, pp 118-207
[1790] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IV, p. 63
[1791] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. I, p. 184
[1792] Fajr al-Islam, p. 213
[1793] al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p. 303
[1794] al-Musannaf, Abd al-Razzaq, vol. X, p. 267
[1795] al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p. 61
[1796] Tarikh Khulafa, p. 247
[1797] Majma al-amthal, vol. I, p. 651
[1798] al-Gharat, vol. I, p. 251
[1799] al-Bad wa l-Tarikh, vol. VI, pp 27-28
[1800] Tarikh Khulafa, p. 243
[1801] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IV, p. 57; al-Nasaih al-kafiya, p. 72
[1802] al-Iďah, pp 210-211; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IV, p. 63 It is probable that this Hadith is attributed to Abu Hurayra and he Himself has not narrated it
[1803] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid,vol. I, p. 361 (the four-volume edition).
[1804] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid,vol. I, p. 63
[1805] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XI, p. 44
[1806] Ibid, vol. XI, p. 49
[1807] Ibid, vol. IV, pp 56-57
[1808] al-Iqd al-farid, vol. II, p. 298; Ikhtiyar Marifat al-rijal, pp 66,101-102; Marifat sahaba, vol. II, p. 236
[1809] Turathuna, No 10, pp 143-144
[1810] Shadharat al-dhahab, vol. I, p. 148
[1811] Concerning Muawiya Ibn Abd Allah Ibn Jafar; Ansab al-Ashraf, section 4
[1812] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XI, p. 44; Bihar, vol. IV, p. 125
[1813] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol.I, p.184.
[1814] al-Majruhin, vol. I, p. 268
[1815] Tadhkirat al-Khawas, Ibn Sad, p. 212
[1816] Usd al-ghaba, vol. II, p. 20
[1817] Usd al-Ghaba, vol.II, p.20.
[1818] Bahjat al-Majlis, vol.I, p.99; al-Bayan wa l-Tabyin, vol.II, p.105.
[1819] Ibid, vol. I, p. 550
[1820] al-Iqd al-farid, vol. V, p. 115
[1821] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, p. 184
[1822] Tarjamat al-imam al-Hasan, vol. V, p. 11
[1823] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 22 Busr also was determined to slay anyone who might have had a hand Uthmans assassination Tarikh at-Tabari has written Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 134
[1824] al-Aghani, vol. XVI, pp 266, 267
[1825] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 132
[1826] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 379
[1827] Tarikh al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 379
[1828] Tarikh al-dhahab, vol. IV, p. 144
[1829] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 188; Tarikh Ibn Khaldun, vol. III, pp 10,11
[1830] Rabi al-Abrar, vol. III p. 559
[1831] al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 462
[1832] Tarikh Ibn Khaldun, vol. III, p. 8; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 450
[1833] al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 174; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 167; Ibn Khaldun, vol. III, p. 18; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 450
[1834] al-Muhabbar, p. 479, Muhammad Ibn Habib has written, Ziyad Ibn Abih executed Muslimm Ibn Zaymur and Abd Allah Ibn Nuja, both Shiite Muslims, at the doors of their houses at Muawiyas behest
[1835] al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 203; see also Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XI, p. 44
[1836] al-Muhabbar, p. 479
[1837] MukhtasarTarikh Dimashq, vol. IX, p. 88
[1838] Ibid, p. 88
[1839] MukhtasarTarikh Dimashq, vol. IX, p. 86
[1840] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 176, Ibn Khaldun, vol. III, p. 10; see also Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 217; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 462
[1841] al-Aghani, vol. XII, p. 312
[1842] Ibid, pp 317,336
[1843] al-Aghani, vol. XVI, pp 29,30
[1844] Bahj As-Sabagha, vol. III, pp 179,180; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IV, p. 57; this sentence has authentically come in Husayn Ibn Alis letter which will be discussed later
[1845] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 150; Bahj As-Sabagha, vol. III, p. 180
[1846] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XI, p. 45; al-Ghadir, vol. XI, p. 29
[1847] Ibid, vol. XI, pp 44,46
[1848] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, pp 156,158; Bihar, vol. XXXXIV, p. 108
[1849] Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p. 104
[1850] Manaqib Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p. 22; Bihar, vol. XXXXIV, p. 104
[1851] Risalat Jahi fi Umayya published with al-Niza wa l-takhasum, Miqrizi
[1852] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IV, p. 106
[1853] Mujam Qabail al-Arab, vol. IV, p. 999; Waqat Siffin, p. 104
[1854] Ibid
[1855] al-Gharat, vol. II, p. 481
[1856] Ayan Ash-Shia, vol. XX, pp 60,67
[1857] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p. 45
[1858] Ibid, p. 47
[1859] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 175
[1860] Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq, vol. IV, p. 84
[1861] al-Kamil
[1862] Ikhtiyar Marifat al-rijal, pp 69,101,102
[1863] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 189
[1864] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol., p. 218; al-Aghani, vol. XVII, p. 134, 135
[1865] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 190
[1866] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VI, p. 218
[1867] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 189; Ibn Khaldun, vol. IV, p. 11
[1868] al-Aghani, vol. 17, p. 135
[1869] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 191; al-Aghani, vol. XVII, p. 36
[1870] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV
[1871] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 190; Tarikh Ibn Khaldun, vol. IV, p. 14
[1872] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, pp 199,200; al-Gharat, vol. II, p. 565; al-Kuna wa l-Alqab, vol. I, p. 15; al-Aghani, vol. 17, p. 146; Tarikh Ibn Khaldun, vol. IV, pp 12,13 Sala might refer to Ali (a) who was well-Known as Asla or might mean intensely
[1873] Concerning Abu Barda has come in Tadhkirat al-huffa, vol. I, p. 95 as follows He has been one of the eminent Islamic jurisprudent
[1874] al-Aghani, vol. XVII, p. 146; Tarikh Ibn Khaldun, vol. IV, pp 12,13
[1875] Waqat Siffin, p. 381
[1876] al-Aghani, vol. XII, p. 321
[1877] Tarikh Yaqubi, vol. II, p. 151
[1878] al-Irshad, p. 280
[1879] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 199
[1880] Tarikh at-Tabari, p. 204
[1881] Ibid, p. 203; al-Aghani, vol. XVII, p. 149
[1882] It is quoted that in conquering Damascus, Hujr Himself had conquered this area; al-Muhabbar, p. 292 on conquering Marj Adhra, the first one who glorified Allah by saying Allah Akbar was Hujr
[1883] al-Irshad, p. 169; Ikhtiyar Marifat al-rijal, p. 101
[1884] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, pp 205,206; al-Aghani, vol. XVII pp 151, 152, 153
[1885] al-Isaba, vol. I, p. 315, Ayan Ash-Shia, vol. 20, p. 61 (From Mustadrak and Tabaqat al-Kubra
[1886] Futuh al-Buldan, pp 400,401
[1887] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VI, p. 219; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 208; al-Aghani, vol. XVII, p. 154
[1888] al-Isaba, vol. I, p. 315
[1889] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 208; al-Aghani, vol. XVII, p. 154
[1890] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 208
[1891] Ibid
[1892] Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq, vol.IV, p.84
[1893] al-Mustadrak, vol. III, p. 469
[1894] Ayan Ash-Shia, vol. XX, p. 58
[1895] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VI, p. 220
[1896] al-Aghani, vol. XVII, p. 13
[1897] Tarikh Ibn Khaldun, vol. III, p. 10
[1898] al-Aghani, vol. XVII, pp 143-144; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 197; al-Darajat al-rafia, p. 343; al-Muhabbar, p. 292
[1899] al-Darajat al-rafia, p. 432
[1900] al-Munammaq, p. 490
[1901] al-Faiq fi Gharib al-hadith, vol. I, p. 46; al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p. 301
[1902] Fi l-Tarikh al-kamil, vol. IV, p. 461
[1903] Fi l-Tarikh al-Kamil, vol. III, p. 465
[1904] Fi l-Tarikh al-Kamil, vol. IV, pp 193-197; Futuh al-Buldan, pp 401,402
[1905] Ibid, vol. III, p. 446
[1906] Ibid, vol. III, p. 456
[1907] But one time some groups of the Kharijites believed in Taqiyya See also al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III pp 516, 518
[1908] They talked at availing themselves of Taqiyya; l-Kamil fi l-lughat wa l-adab, vol. II, p. 201; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p. 181
[1909] Because they had no proof for combating Ali; Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 210
[1910] al-Kamil fi l-adab, vol. III, p. 276
[1911] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 126 (The events in 41
[1912] al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, pp 412,417
[1913] Ibid, vol. III, pp 409,420
[1914] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. V, pp 173-174
[1915] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. V, p. 175
[1916] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. V, pp 165-166; al-Kamil fi l-lughat wa l-adab, vol. II, pp 195-196
[1917] al-Kamil fi l-lughat wa l-adab, vol. II, pp 198-212; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, pp 163-186
[1918] Nahj al-Balaghah, sermon 61
[1919] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 142; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 427
[1920] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 143; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 429
[1921] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 144
[1922] From the view point of fiqh (jurisprudence) Imam had stated, Kill those who rise up against a just Imam and people, but never kill those rising up against an unjust ruler Wasail Ash-Shia, vol. XI, unit 26, Hadith 3
[1923] al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 431
[1924] Ibid, vol. V, p. 193
[1925] Ibid, vol. V, p. 191
[1926] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p. 172
[1927] Ansab al-Ashraf, p. 463; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 177
[1928] Ibid, vol. III, pp 515,517
[1929] Ibid, vol. III, p. 519
[1930] Andishih siyasi dar Islam muasir, p. 150
[1931] Tarikh al-Khulafa, pp 196,203
[1932] al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 233; vol. V, p. 101; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 506, such governorship was left as inheritance for Muslims future This approach was exercised not only for the Abbasids and FaTimids in Egypt but also even from the Safawids on in Shiites Iran
[1933] al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 209; al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 175; what is narrated in al-Futuh is that Amr Ibn As had been the stimulater By the some token since Amr Ibn As had passed away in 43 A H, it cannot be correct
[1934] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 187
[1935] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 224; al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 165; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 503
[1936] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, pp 224,225
[1937] al-Futuh, vol. IV, pp 225,226; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 508
[1938] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 28; al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 231; al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, pp 166-169
[1939] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, pp 187-194
[1940] Ibid, vol. I, p. 171; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. I, p. 182
[1941] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 182
[1942] Ibid, vol. I, p. 177
[1943] Ibid, vol. I, p. 178,179,180,181
[1944] Mentioning the name of Imam Hasan does not seem incorrect because this narration referes to the year after his martyrdom
[1945] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, pp 194-196
[1946] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 236
[1947] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 183; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 508
[1948] al-Futuh, vol. IV, pp 240,241
[1949] Ibid, vol. IV, pp 243,244; al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, Vol I, p. 188
[1950] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 205
[1951] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 208; later on Sufyaniyya also in order to substantiate the legitimacy of Muawiyas caliphate and although there existed some having previous record in Islam, had narrated that Umar had preferred Abu Ubayd Ibn Masud to forty participants of Badr; Rasail al-Jahi, al-Rasail As-Siyasiyya, pp 391-392
[1952] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 209
[1953] Ibid, vol. I, p. 210; Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, pp 213-214
[1954] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 212
[1955] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 214
[1956] Tarikh Yaqubi, vol. II, p. 228
[1957] Ibid, vol. IV, p. 240
[1958] al-Futuh, vol. IV, pp 248,249
[1959] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 191; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 511
[1960] al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 245
[1961] al-Imamah wal-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 204
[1962] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 37; al-Bad wa l-Tarikh, vol. VI, p. 8
[1963] al-umawiyyun wa l-Khilafa, p. 73; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, part 2, p. 5; Tabaqat Futuh Ash-Shura, p. 626; Nasab Quraysh, p. 129
[1964] Diwan Farazdaq, vol. I, p. 336
[1965] Amali, Abu Ali al-Qali, p. 175; Tathbit Dalail al-Nubuwwa, p. 575
[1966] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, pp 24-25
[1967] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 218
[1968] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, pp 16-17
[1969] al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 255
[1970] al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 257

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