Shi'ite Hadith Sources

Shiite Hadith Sources
1. Salim b. Qays al – Hilali, Kitabu salim b. Qays, 1st c.
2. Imam Zayn al – Abidin Al – Sahifa al – Sajjadiyya, 1st c.
3. Zayd b. Ali, Musnadu Zayd, 2nd c.
4. Imam Jafar al – Sadiq, Tashid al – Mufaddal, 2 nd c
5. (Ascribed to) Imam Jafar al – Sadiq, Misbah al Sharia 2nd c. 6. Jafar b. Muhammad al – Hadrami, Aslu Jafar b. Muhammad al – Hadrami, 2nd c.
7. Jafar b. Muhammad al – Qurashi, Aslu Jafar b. Muhammad al – Qurashi, 2nd c.
8. Husayn b. 'Uthman b. Sharik, Aslu Husayn b. 'Uthman b. Shrik, 2nd c.
9. Khallad al – Sindi, 'Aslu Khallad al – sindi, 2nd c.
10. Dursut b. Abi Mansur, Aslu Dursust b. 'Abi Mansur, 2nd c. 11. Zayd al – Zarrad, Aslu Zayd al – Zarrad, 2nd c.
12. Zayd al – Nirsi, 'Aslu Zayd al – Nirsi, 2nd c.
13. Zarif b. Nasih, 'Aslu 'Abd' Allah b. al – Jubar (Diyatu Zarif b. Nasih, 2nd c.
14. 'Asim b. Hamid al – Hannat, Aslu 'Asim b. Hamid al – Hannat, 2nd c.
15. 'Abd Allah b. Yahya al – Kahili, 'Aslu 'Abd Allah b. Yahya al – Kahili, 2nd c.
16. 'Abd al – Malik b. Hakim, 'Aslu 'Abd al – Malik b. Hakim, 2nd c.
17. 'Ala' b. Razin, Mukhtasar 'Aslu 'Ala b. Razin, 2nd c.
18. Muthanna b. al – walid al – Hannat, Aslu Muthanna b. al – Walid al – Hannat, 2nd c.
19. Muhammad b. al – Muthanna al – Hadrami, 'Aslu muhammda b. al – Muthanna – al – Hadrami, 2nd c.
20. Abu said 'Abbad al – 'Usfuri, 'Aslu abi said 'abbad al – Usfuri, 2nd c.
21. Salam b. 'Abi 'Umara, Aslu Salam b. 'Abi 'Umra, 2nd c.
22. 'Ali b. 'Asbat, Aslu 'Ali b. 'Asbat.
23. (Ascribed to) Imam 'Ali al – Rida, Tibb al – Rida 'Alayhi al – Salam (Al – Risala al – Dhahabiyya), 3rd c.
24. (Ascribed to) Imam 'Ali al – Rida, Sahifatu al – Rida 'Alayhi al – Salam, 3rd c.
25. (Ascribed to) Imam 'Ali al – Rida, Fiqh al – Rida 'Alayhi al – Salam, 3rd c.
26.(Ascribed to) Imam Hasan al – 'Askari, Tafsiru al – Imam al – Askari 'Alyahi al – Salam, 3rd c.
27. Ahmad b. Muhammad al – 'Hsh'ari al – Qummi, Al – Nawadi, 3rd c.
28. 'Ibrahim b. Muhammad al – Thaqafi, Al – Gharat, 3rd c.
29. Muhammad b. al – Hasan al – Saffar al – Qummi, Basait al – Darajat, 3rd c.
30. Husayn and 'Abd Allah b. Bastan, Tibb al – Aimma Li Ibna Bastam, 3rd c.
31. Al – Burqi, Al – Mahasin, 3rd c.
32. Al – Husayn b. Said al – Ahwazi, Al – Mumin, 3rd c.
33. Al – Husayn b. Said al – Ahwazi, Al – Zuhd lil Husayn b. Said, 3rd c.
34. Ali b. Jafar, Masailu 'Ali b. Jafar, 3rd c.
35.Al – Humayri al – Qummi, Qurb al – Asnad, 3rd c.
36. Furat al – Kufi, Tafsiru Furat al – Kufi, 3rd c.
37.Yahya b. al – Husayn, Durar al – Hadith, 3rd c. 38.Muhammad b. sulayman al – Zaydi, Manaqib al – Imam Amir al – Muminin, 3rd c.
39.Al – Ayyashi, Tafsiru al – Ayyashi, 4th c.
40.Al – Kulayni, Al – Kafi, 4th c.
41.Al – Saduq I, Al – Imama Wa al – Tabsira, 4th c.
42.Al Iskafi, Al – Tamhis, 4th c.
43.Al – Qudi al – Numan b. Muhammad, Daaimu al – Islam, 4th c.
44.Muhammad b. Quluya al – Qummi, Kamil al – Ziyarat, 4th c. 45.Jafar b. Ahmad b. Ali al – Qummi, Jami al – Ahadith gi al – Qummi, 4th c.
46.Jafar b. Ahmad b. Ali al – Qummi, Al – Ghayat, 4th c.
47.Jafar b. Ahmad b. Ali al – Qummi, Al – Musalsalat, 4th c. 48.Jafar b. Ahmad b. Ali al – Qummi, Al – Amal al – Mania Min al – Janna, 4th c.
49.Jafar b. Ahmad b. Ali al – Qummi, Nawadir al – Hathar fi Ali Khayr al – Bashar, 4th c.
50.Jafar b. Ahmad b. Ali al – Qummi, Al – Arus, 4th c. 51.Muhammad b. Muhammad al – Ashath al – Kufi, Al – Jafariyyat (Al – Ashathiyyat), 4th c.
52.Ibn Khazzar al – Qummi, Kifayat al – Athar, 4th c.
53.Ali b. Ibrahim al – Qummi, Tafsiru al – Qummi, 4th c.
54.Al-Numani, Al - Ghaybatu Li al – Numani, 4th c.
55.Al-harrani, Tuhaf al-Uqul, 4th c.
56.Sheikh al-Saduq, Al-Amali Li al-Saduq, 4th c.
57.Sheikh al-Saduq, Al-Tawhid, 4th c.
58.Sheikh al-Saduq, Thawabu al-A'mal, 4th c.
59.Sheikh al-Saduq, Al-Khisal, 4th c.
60.Sheikh al-Saduq, Sifatu al-Shi'a, 4th c.
61.Sheikh al-Saduq, Ilalu al-Shariyi, 4th c.
62.Sheikh al-Saduq, Uyunu Akhbar al-Rdia Alayhi al-Salam, 4th c.
63.Sheikh al-Saduq, Fada'il al-Ashhur al-Thalatha, 4th c. 64.Sheikh al-Saduq, Fada'ilu al-Shi'a, 4th c.
65.Sheikh al-Saduq, Kamal al-Din, 4th c.
66.Sheikh al-Saduq, Musadiqatu al-Ikhwan, 4th c.
67.Sheikh al-Saduq, Ma'ani al-Akhbar, 4th c.
68.Sheikh al-Saduq, Man la Yahdurulu al-Faqih, 4th c. 69.Sheikh al-Saduq, Al-Mawa'iz li-al-Saduq, 4th c.
70.Ibn Shadhan (Muhammad b. Ahmad), Me'atu Manqaba, 5th c. 71.Sheikh al-Mufid, Al-Irshad, 5th c.
72.Sheikh al-Mufid, Al-Amali li al-Mufid, 5th c.
73.Sheikh al-Mufid, Al-Mazar li al-Mufid, 5th c.
74.Sheikh al-Mufid, Nahj al-Balagha, 5th c.
75.Jafar b. Muhammad al-Mustaghfiri, Tibb al-Nabi Sallahu Alaghi wa'Alihi Wa Sallam, 5th c.
76.Sayyid al-Murtada, Al-Hamli li al-Murtada, 5th c.
77.Husayn b. Abd al-Wahhab, Uyun al-Mujizat, 5th c.
78.Al-Karajaki, Kanz al-Fawaid, 5th c.
79.Al-Karajaki, Madan al-Jawahir, 5th c.
80.Muhammad b. Ali al-Karajaki, Al-Istibsar fi al-Nass Ala al-Aimma, 5th c.
81.Sheikh al-Tusi, Ikhtiyaru Marifat al-Rijal (Rijalu al-Zarkashi). 82.Sheikh al-Tusi, Al-Istibsar, 5th ed.
83.Sheikh al-Tusi, Al-Amali Li al-Tusi, 5th c.
84.Sheikh al-Tusi, Tahdhib al-Akham, 5th c.
85.Sheikh al-Tusi, Al-Ghayba li al-Tusi, 5th c.
86.Sheikh al-Tusi, Misbah al-Mutahijjid, 5th c.
87.Abu Muhammad Abd al-Rahman al-Khazai, Al-Arabauna Hdithan fi Fadailu Ali Alayhi Al-Salam, 5th c.
88.Muhammad b. Ali al-Alousi al-Kufi, Al-Taazi, 5th c. 89.Muhammad b. Jarir b. Rustam al-Tabari, Dalail al-Imama, 5th c.
90.Muhammad b. Jarir b. Rustam al-Tabari, Nawadir al-Mujizat fi Manaqib al-Aimma al-Huda, 5th c.
91.Al-Halwani, Nuzhat al-Nazir, 5th c.
92.Al-Shajari al-Zaydi, Al-Amali li al-Huda, 5th c.
93.Muhammad b. Ali al-Tabari, Bisharatu al-Mustafa, 6th c. 94.Al-Hasan b. al-Fadl al-Tabarasi, Makarimu al-Akhlaq, 6th c. 95.Al-Amidi, Ghuraru al-Hikam, 6th c.
96.Ibn Hamza, Al-Thaqib fi al-Manaqib, 6th c.
97.Sayyid Fadl Allah al-Rawandi, Nawadiru al-Rawandi, 6th c. 98.Qutb al-Din al-Rawandi, Al-Daawat, 6th c.
99.Qutb al-Din al-Rawandi, Al-Khara'ij wa al-Jara'ih, 6th c. 100.Sheikh Muntajab al-Din, Al-Arbauna Hadithan An Arbaina Shaykhan, 6th c.
101.Ahmad b. Ali al-Tabarsi, Al-Ihtijaj, 6th c.
102.Ibn Shahr Ashub, Al-Manaqib li ibn Shahr Ashub, 6th c. 103.Ibn Idris al-Hilli, Mustatrafat al-Sara'ir (al-Nawadir), 6th c. 104.Muhammad b. Ja'far al-Mashadi, Al-Mazaru al-Kabir, 6th c. 105.Abu al-Hasan Ali al-Lithi al-Wasiti, Uyunu al-Hikam Wa al-Mawaiz, 6th c.
106.Al-Kaydari, Diwan al-Imam Ali Alayhi al-Salam (Anwar al-Uqul), 7th c.
107.Ibn Bitriq, Al-Umda, 7th c.
108.Ibn Bitriq, Khasais al-Wahyu al-Mudin, 7th c.
109.Ali b. al-Hasan al-Tabarasi, Mishkati al-Anwar, 6th c. 110.Warram b. Abi Farras, Tanbihu al-Khawatir (Majmuatu Warram), 7th c.
111.Al-Chaghmini, Tibb al-Nabi Sallalahu Alayhi Wa Alihi Wa Sallam (Qanunchal), 7th c.
112.Muhammad b. Abd Allah al-Husayni al-Halabi, Al-Arbauna Hadithan fi Huquq al-Ikhwan, 7th c.
113.Ibn Nama al-Hilli, Muthur al-Ahzan, 7th c.
114.Shadhan b. Jibrail, Al-Fadail, 7th c.
115.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Iqbal al-Amal, 7th c. 116.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Al-Aman, 7th c.
117.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Al-Tahisin li Ibn Tawus, 7th c. 118.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Jamal al-Usbu, 7th c. 119.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Al-Dawra al-Warqiya, 7th c. 120.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Sad al-Suud, 7th c. 121.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Ghiyathu Sultanu al-Wara, 7th c.
122.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Fathual-Abwab, 7th c. 123.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Faraju al-Mahmum, 7th c. 124.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Falahu al-Sail, 7th c. 125.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Al-Luhuf (Al-Malhuf), 7th c. 126.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Al-Mujtana min al-Duau al-Mujtaba, 7th c.
127.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Muhasibatu al-Nafs Li Ibn Tawus, 7th c.
128.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Misbaha al-Zair, 7th c. 129.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Al-Malahim Wa al-Fitan (Al-Tashrifat bi'L-Munan), 7th c.
130.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Muhaj al-Daawat, 7th c. 131.Sayyid b. Tawus (Ali b. Musa), Al-Yaqin, 7th c.
132.Abd al-Karim b. Tawus, Farhatu al-Ghari, 7th c.
133.Al-Irbili, Kashfu al-Ghumma, 7th c.
134.Sheikh Muhammad al-Shairi al-Sabziwari, Jamiu al-Akhbar, 7th c.
135.Hafiz Rajab al-Barsi, Mashariqu Anwar al-Yaqin, 8th c. 136.Shahid I, Al-Arbauna Hadithan, 8th c.
137.Shahid I, Al-Arbauna Hadithan min Waiyyat al-Nabi, 8th c. 138.Shahid I, Al-Mazar li Shahid al-Awwal, 8th c.
139.Shahid I, Al-Durratu al-Bahira, 8th c.
140.Al-Hasan b. Muhammad al-Daylami, Irshadu al-Qulub, 8th c.
141.Al-Hasan b. Muhammad al-Daylami, Alam al-Din, 8th c. 142.Allama al-Hilli, Kashfu al-Yaqin fi Fadailu Amir al-Muminin, 8th c.
143.Ibn Fahd al-Hilli, Al-Tahsin li Ibn Fahd, 9th c.
144.Ibn Fahd al-Hilli, Uddatu al-Dai, 9th c.
145.Ibn Abi Jumhur, Awali al-Liali, 9th c.
146.Al-Hasan b. Sulayman al-Hilli, Mukhtasaru Basairu al-Darajat, 9th c.
147.Al-Kafami, Al-Baladu al-Amin, 10th c.
148.Al-Kafami, Al-Misbah Li al-Kafami, 10th c.
149.Shahid II, Al-Arbaun Hadithan, 10th c.
150.Shahid II, Maskanu al-Fuad, 10th c.
151.Shahid II, Muntaqa al-Jaman fi al-Ahadith al-Suhar, 10th c. 152.Shahid II, Al-Durr al-Manthur Min al-Mathur Wa Ghayr al-Mathur, 10th c.
153.Yahya b. Husayn al-Bahrani, Al-Shihab fi al-Hukm Wa al-Adab, 10th c.
154.Sharaf al-Din Ali al-Husayni, Tawil al-Ayat al-Zahira, 10th c. 155.Izz al-Din Husayn al-Amili al-Harithi, Al-Arbauna Hadithan, 10th c.
156.Sheikh al-Bahai, Al-Arbain, 11th c.
157.Sheikh al-Bahai, Miftahu al-Falah, 11th c.
158.Muhammad-Taqi al-Majlisi, Al-Arbauna Hadithan, 11th c. 159.Al-Faydh al-Kashani, Al-Haqqaiq fi Mahasinu al-Akhlaq, 11th c.
160.Al-Faydh al-Kashani, Khulasatu al-Adhkar, 11th c.
161.Al-Faydh al-Kashani, Kalamatu Maknuna, 11th c.
162.Al-Faydh al-Kashani, Nawadiru al-Akhbar fi Usul al-Din, 11th c.
163.Al-Faydh al-Kashani, Al-Nawadir fi Jam al-Ahadith, 11th c. 164.Al-Faydh al-Kashani, Al-Wafi, 11th c.
165.Muhammad b. al-Fayd, Maadinu al-Hikmati fi Makatib al-Aimma, 12th c.
166.Al-Hurr al-Amili, Al-Ithna Ashariyya fi al-Mawaiz al-Adadiyya, 12th c.
167.Al-Hurr al-Amili, Ithbata al-Hudat, 12th c.
168.Al-Hurr al-Amili, Al-Jawahira al-Saniyya fi al-Ahadith al-Qudsiyya, 12th c.
169.Al-Hurr al-Amili, Al-Sahifa al-Thaniya al-Sajjadiyya, 12th c. 170.Al-Hurr al-Amili, Wasailu al-Shia, 12th c.
171.Al-Hurr al-Amili, Al-Fusulu al-Muhimma fi Usulu al-Aimma, 12th c.
172.Al-Hurr al-Amili, Bidayatu al-Hidaya, 12th c.
173.Sayyid Hashim al-Bahrani, Al-Burhan fi Tafsiru al-Quran, 12th c.
174.Sayyid Hashim al-Bahrani, Madinatu al-Maajiz, 12th c. 175.Sayyid Hashim al-Bahrani, Yanabiu al-Maajiz Wa Usul al-Dalail, 12th c.
176.Sayyid Hashim al-Bahrani, Al-Insaf fi al-Nass Ala al-Aimma, 12th c.
177.Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar, 12th c.
178.Al-Arusi al-Huwayzi, Tafsiru Nur al-Thaqalayn, 12th c. 179.Sulayman b. Abd Allah al-Bahrani, Al-Arbauna Hadithan fi Imamatu Amir al-Muminin, 12th c.
180.Abd Allah b. Salih al-Samahiji, Al-Sahifatu al-Alawiyya, 12th c.
181.Sheikh Abu Allah al-Bahrani, Awalimu al-Ulum Wa al-Maarif, 12th c.
182.Muhammd Sadiq Khatun Abadi, Kashfu al-Haqq (Arbain-I Khatun Abadi)13th c.
183.Ahmad b. Taan al-Bahrini, Al-Sahifatu al-Sadiqiyya, 14th c. 184.Husayn al-Nuri al-Tabarasi, Al-Sahifatu al-Alawiyya al-Thaniya, 14th c.
185.Husayn al-Nuri al-Tabarasi, Mustadraku al-Wasail, 14th c.

The Excellences of the Imam Husayn(A.S.)in Sunni Hadith Tradition
HUMAN history may be seen as a record of the eternal struggle between right and wrong, virtue and vice, good and evil, and righteousness and wickedness. This struggle was decreed by God when Adam, an earthly creature, was sent to earth to engage in this eternal battle. It is through this struggle that human beings can earn their eternal bliss in the Gardens of Paradise, or their eternal punishment in the Fire. In the history of nations this struggle often attains universal significance as that moment of the struggle can speak to all subsequent times and situations. Thus the Qur'an urges us over and over again to ponder the end of those who were before us, and how God dealt with them. In every case, moreover, a prophet or messenger of God was rejected by his people and killed or driven out. In this sense, therefore, the struggle is in the end between God and humankind, between truth and falsehood, and between right guidance and manifest error.
Nowhere is this struggle placed in sharper relief than in the life of the Prophet Muhammad, and the lives of the people of his House. The life and witness of the Imam Husayn in particular, has acquired special significance in Muslim piety. This is because he has provided a model for all martyrs in the way of God, for all time.
The purpose of this paper is to emphasize the universal significance of the Imam in Muslim tradition. It is important to observe that all the traditions cited in this essay are found in both Shi'i and Sunni hadith literature. But while in the Sunni community such traditions remain purely pietistic, Shi'i tradition has made them the basis of a complex theological system.
However, to appreciate the place of Husayn, 'the prince of martyrs', in Muslim history, a word must be said about the place of the Prophet's family (the ahl al-bayt) in Muslim piety. At the same time the people of the House of the Prophet Muhammad are not unique in the prophetic history of human societies. A word is, therefore, necessary concerning the families of other prophets, if we are to appreciate fully the devotion which Muslims throughout their long history have accorded the people of the House of Muhammad, the seal of the prophets.
Prophetic history begins, according to the Qur'an, with Adam, called safwat Allah (the elect of God). He was followed by Noah, the first of the prophets of power or resolve (ulu al-'azm). Noah was sent as a messenger by God to his people who rebelled against God's message, and were thus destroyed by the flood. Then came Abraham, the father of prophets. With his son Ishmael he built the Ka'ba, the first house for the worship of God.[1] Ishmael was also a prophet, and the ancestor of the prophets Shu'ayb, Salih, Hud, and finally Muhammad, the last messenger of God to humankind.
Isaac, Abraham's second son, was also a prophet and the father of prophets. Among his descendants were the family of 'Imran, the father of Moses, and Jesus, as well as other earlier prophets who were sent by God to the Children of Israel. The Qur'an declares that God has elected Adam, Noah, the family of Abraham and the family of 'Imran. It further states that they were a single progeny, one from the other'.[2] All the prophets and their families are therefore of one physical and spiritual lineage They and their households are the elect of God, purified and honoured over the rest of humankind.
The people of the House of the Prophet Muhammad were likewise chosen by God and purified from all evil and sin. The Muslim community did not, however, infer the status of the family of Muhammad from that of earlier prophets and their families.
Rather they too were chosen by God and purified from all evil and sin. Yet because Muhammad was the last prophet sent to guide humanity to God and the good, his descendants could not assume his prophetic role. Their mission was to be the Imams, or guides, of the Muslim community. Their task is to safeguard the message vouchsafed to Muhammad by God for humankind. Like many prophets, the Imams had to endure rejection by their people and much suffering at their hands; martyrdom in the cause of God was often their lot. Yet the greater the suffering, the greater is the reward and honour which God promises His prophets, friends (awliya'), and righteous servants. Thus the Prophet was asked: 'Who among men are those afflicted with the greatest calamity?' He replied:
The prophets, then the pious, everyone according to the degree of his piety. A man is afflicted according to his faith (din); if his faith is durable, his affliction is accordingly increased, and if his faith is weak, his affliction is made lighter. Afflictions continue to oppress the worshipful servant until they leave him walking on the face of the earth without any sin cleaving to him. [3]

Excellences of the Ahl al Bayt(A.S.)
In both Sunni and Shi'i Muslim tradition, one important event symbolizes the status of the ahl al-bayt and the human as well as spiritual dimensions of their relation to the Prophet. This is the tradition or episode of al-kisa' (the mantle, or cloak) which the Prophet spread over himself and Fatima his daughter, 'Ali, and their two sons Hasan and Husayn. This tradition has come down to us in a number of versions, each stressing one or another aspect of the excellences of the family of the Prophet and his love for them. Ahmad b. Hanbal relates on the authority of Umm Salama, the Prophet's wife, that he said to Fatima one day:
'Bring me your husband and two sons.' When they had all come together he spread over them a mantle, and laying his hand over them, he said: 'O God, these are the people of the House of Muhammad! Let therefore your prayers and blessings descend upon Muhammad and the people of the House of Muhammad; for you are worthy of all praise and glory.' Umm Salama continued: 'I then lifted the mantle to enter in with them, but he pulled it away from my hand saying, "You too shall come to a good end". [4]
The point which this version of the kisa' tradition emphasizes is that the ahl al-bayt are only the five: Muhammad, 'Ali, Fatima, and their two sons Hasan and Husayn. Umm Salama, one of the most highly venerated of the Prophet's wives, was denied this special status. We shall have more to say about this point, as it is emphasized in almost every version of this tradition.
In another highly interesting version of the kisa' tradition, related on the authority of 'Abd Allah b. Jafar b. Abi Talib, we read:
As the Apostle of God saw mercy descending, he demanded: 'Call them for me, call them for me!' Safiyya asked: 'Who should we call, O Messenger of God?' He answered: 'Call the people of my household: 'Ali, Fatima, Hasan, and Husayn.' When they were brought, he spread a mantle over them; then lifting his hands to heaven said: 'O God, these are the people of my House; bless, O God, Muhammad and the people of the House of Muhammad!' God then sent down the verse: Surely God wishes to remove all abomination from you, O People of the House, and purify you with a thorough purification. [5]
This version of the tradition provides the meaning of the kisa' and the basis of its significance. The mantle is a symbol of divine mercy and blessing covering the Prophet and his holy family. It is, moreover, a source or haven of consolation and serenity in the face of the great sufferings and martyrdom which the Prophet's family had to endure after him. In this infinite source of divine mercy, the pious also share in times of sufferings and afflictions. The kisa' finally sets apart the 'holy five' from the rest of the faithful, and distinguishes them from the rest of the Prophet's family.
The event of the kisa' provides the occasion for the revelation of the verse of purification just cited. Before the sectarian conflicts which split the Muslim community set in, classical tradition was almost unanimous in interpreting this verse as referring to the Prophet, his daughter Fatima al-Zahra' (the Radiant), her husband and cousin,' Ali, and their two sons Hasan and Husayn. [6]
In still another version of the kisa' tradition, the continuity of the Prophet's family with those of earlier prophets is clearly indicated. Wathila b. al-Asqa', on whose authority this tradition in most of its variants is related, reports the following prayer uttered by the Prophet:
O God, as you have bestowed your blessings, mercy, forgiveness, and pleasure upon Abraham and the family of Abraham, so they ['Ali, Fatima, Hasan and Husayn] are of me and I am of them! Bestow, therefore, your blessings, mercy, forgiveness and pleasure upon me and them.' [7]
This prayer echoes a prayer which Muslims repeat daily:
O God, bless Muhammad and the people of the House of Muhammad, as you have blessed Abraham and the people of the House of Abraham among all beings.
The House of Muhammad is, therefore, for all Muslims, 'the household of prophethood and the frequenting place of angels'. The famous Qur'an commentator al-Suyuti quotes a tradition attributed to Umm Salama in interpretation of the verse of purification:
This verse was sent down in my house ... There were in the house then, seven: Gabriel and Michael, and 'Ali, Fatima, Hasan, and Husayn, and I stood at the door of the house. I asked: 'O Messenger of God, am I not of the People of the House?' He said: 'You shall indeed come to a good end! You are, however, one of the wives of the Prophet.' [8]
The close friendship between the Prophet and the holy family, a relationship which went far beyond the bond of blood relation, may be seen in the incident of the mubahala, or prayer ordeal, with which the Prophet challenged the Christians of Najran.[9] In the mubahala verse of the Qur'an, God orders the Prophet and his opponents to 'Call together our sons and your sons, our women and your women, and ourselves and yourselves.' In the view of most Qur'an commentators and traditionists, the Prophet's sons are Hasan and Husayn, 'his women' refers to Fatima, and 'his self' refers, apart from himself, to 'Ali. When the people of Najran saw them, they recognized their high status with God, and with great trepidation they declined the mubahala and opted instead for peace.
Tradition asserts that the Prophet sensed the hostility which his community was to show to the People of his House after him. He is said to have often declared, 'I am at war against him who fights against you, and will show peace toward him who shows peace to you.' This invective is strongly put in a tradition related on the authority of Abu Bakr, the Prophet's famous Companion and the first caliph. He said:
I saw the Messenger of God pitch a tent in which he placed 'Ali, Fatima, Hasan, and Husayn. He then declared: 'O Muslims, I am at war against anyone who wars against the people of this tent, and am at peace with those who show peace toward them. I am a friend to those who befriend them. He who shows love toward them shall be one of a happy ancestry and good birth. Nor would anyone hate them except that he be of miserable ancestry and evil birth. [10]
Love for the Prophet's family is enjoined by God in the Qur'an, where He says: Say, 'I ask no other reward of you save love of my next of kin' (42:23). Qur'an commentators have generally agreed that 'the next of kin' here intended are the ahl al-bayt. [11]
The People of the House of the Prophet Muhammad have been for the pious an example of generosity, steadfastness in the face of hardship, and a source of solace in time of trials and afflictions. After days of fasting and prayers for the health of the two sick children Hasan and Husayn, the family fed the few morsels of dry bread and dates for which 'Ali had laboured so hard to the needy. On the first evening, we are told, a beggar came. On the second, it was an orphan, and on the third, a captive. To each in turn, they gave the loaf of barley bread and few dates which Fatima had prepared for the family to break their fast. Thus God sent down the verse: They give food to eat, even though they cherish it, to the needy, the orphan and the captive. [12] Yet, in the end, God sent down a celestial table to feed His friends.
Early tradition shows a tension in the relationship of the Prophet to the community and in the relationship of the latter to the holy family. Much of the literature reflecting this tension was most likely the product of a later age, but projected back to the time of the Prophet and his Companions. Here love for the Prophet's family is not simply recommended as a pious act, but is presented as a challenge, and in a harsh reproaching tone. Furthermore, it is on this love to the ahl al-bayt that rewards and punishments on the Last Day are predicated.[13] Thus we are told that the Prophet said:
He who desires the pleasure to live my life, die my death and dwell in a garden of Eden which my Lord has planted, let him be a friend to 'Ali after me. Let him also be a friend to his friends. Let him finally be guided by the Imams after me, for they are my progeny. They were created of my clay, and have been vouchsafed knowledge and understanding. Woe to those of my community who deny their superiority, and those who violate the demands of kindness to my next of kin. May God not grant them my intercession.' [14]
In another tradition, the Prophet promises his intercession to those who honour his descendants, provide them with whatever needs they may have, and those who love them with their heart and profess this love with their tongues. [15]
It has already been stressed that the ahl al-bayt share with the prophets of old and their descendants a high status and divine favour, but not the office of prophethood. They share, moreover, with the Prophet Muhammad the prerogative of intercession. This is expressed in hagiographical language, a language common to both Sunni and Shi'i tradition. One such common example may suffice to demonstrate the devotion in the piety of both traditions to the Prophet and the people of his household.
The Qur'an tells us that Adam received certain words of God which earned him God's forgiveness and mercy: Adam received words from his Lord, and He turned towards him; for He is relenting, compassionate (2:37). Suyuti reports that Ibn 'Abbas, the famous traditionist and authority on the Qur'an, asked the Prophet about the words which Adam received. The Prophet answered: 'He prayed saying, "O God, for the sake of Muhammad, 'Ali, Fatima, Hasan and Husayn, do turn toward me", and He turned toward him.' [16] In another highly dramatic version of this tradition, Adam is taught the words as the only means by which God would accept his repentance and forgive him. 'Ali, we are told, enquired of the Prophet concerning the verse under discussion. The Prophet told him that when Adam and his wife were expelled from Paradise, Adam wept bitterly over his sin for a hundred years. Finally, Gabriel came to him and spoke thus on God's behalf:
O Adam, did I not create you with my own hand? Did I not breathe into you of my spirit? Did I not command my angels to bow down before you? Did I not provide you with Eve my servant?' 'Yes', Adam answered. Gabriel asked: 'What then is the cause of this weeping?' Adam replied, 'Why should I not weep when I have been expelled from the proximity of the All-Merciful?' The angel then said: 'You must pray fervently with these words, and God will accept your repentance and forgive your sin. Say: "O God, I beseech you for the sake of Muhammad and the people of the household of Muhammad; nor is there any god but you. I have done evil, and have wronged my soul. Turn towards me for you are relenting, compassionate." [17]

Hasan(A.S.) and Husayn(A.S.)
Islamic tradition has preserved numerous anecdotes depicting the tender care and love which the Prophet showed Hasan and Husayn. They were both born in Medina, and thus knew the Prophet only as children. It is therefore with the intimacy and love of a grandfather that the early life of the two Imams is coloured. Once more, these family anecdotes also reflect clearly the theological and political tension within the community, a tension which largely centered around Hasan and Husayn. One such anecdote is the following.
One day, we are told, Hasan and Husayn were lost, and their mother Fatima came to the Prophet greatly alarmed. The angel Gabriel, however, came down and told the Prophet that the two youths were asleep in an animal fold some distance away. God, the angel reassured the anxious family, had charged an angel to keep watch over them. The Prophet went to the spot and found the angel had spread his two wings: one under them and the other over them as cover. The Prophet stooped over the two children and began to kiss them until they awoke. He then carried them on his shoulders back to the city. A large crowd of Muslims followed the Prophet and his two grandsons to the mosque.
The Prophet then addressed the assembled people and said: 'O Muslims, shall I inform you of those who have the best grandfather and grandmother of humankind?' 'Yes, O Apostle of God', they all replied. 'They are Hasan and Husayn', he said. 'Their grandfather is the Apostle of God, the seal of the Messengers, and their grandmother is Khadija, daughter of Khuwaylid, mistress of the women of Paradise.' The Prophet then declared Hasan and Husayn to have the best maternal uncle and aunt: Jafar and Umm Hani', son and daughter of Abu Talib. Their maternal uncle and aunt were likewise the best of all uncles and aunts: they were al-Qasim, son of the Messenger of God, and Zaynab, daughter of the Apostle of God. The Prophet concluded: 'O God, you know that Hasan and Husayn shall be in Paradise, their uncles and aunt shall be in Paradise, and those who love them shall be in Paradise, while those who hate them shall be in the Fire." [18]
Abu Hurayra, the famous hadith transmitter, related that often when they prayed behind the Messenger of God Hasan and Husayn would jump on his back while he was prostrate in prayer. When he lifted his head, he would move them gently and place them beside him.
One evening, after prayers, Abu Hurayra offered to take the two youths home, but the Prophet wished them to stay. Soon, however, a flash of lightning illuminated the sky, and they thus walked in its light until they entered their home. [19]
The friends (awliya') of God, like the prophets, are favoured with miracles. These are not miracles proper (mu'jizat), but rather karamat (divine favours). The lightning incident was one such divine favour by means of which the Prophet wished to inform the community of the special status with which God had favoured the two Imams.
There is a unity between the Prophet and the ahl al-bayt, a unity not simply of blood, but also of the spirit. It is a unity symbolized by the kisa' event. It is, therefore, a unity of love, as the following statement of the Prophet clearly indicates. He said, as related on the authority of Salman the Persian: 'Whoever loves Hasan and Husayn, I love him, and whomsoever I love, God also loves, and whomsoever God loves, He shall cause him to enter into the gardens of bliss.' Likewise he who hates Hasan and Husayn shall be consigned to the Fire, because both God and his Messenger will hate him, 'and a terrible punishment awaits him'. [20]
Muslim hagiographical piety extended this unity and intimacy between the Prophet and his two grandchildren to include the angels of heaven. Thus Hudhayfa, a well known companion and traditionist, reported that the Prophet said: 'An angel is here who never came down to earth before this night. He sought permission from his Lord to come down and greet me, and to bring me the glad tidings that Fatima is the mistress of the women of Paradise, and that Hasan and Husayn are the masters of the youths of Paradise.' [21]
There is no doubt that the special status of the Imam Husayn in Muslim piety and devotion has in large measure been due to the Imam's great sacrifice of family, wealth, and life itself in the way of God. Husayn's martyrdom - his courage, steadfastness, dignity, and true devotion in times of great crisis - have inspired Muslims of all walks of life. Husayn has inspired the best poetry in all Islamic languages; even non-Muslim poets celebrated his great virtue and valour. Above all, however, the Imam Husayn's martyrdom became a source of strength and endurance for Muslims in times of suffering, persecution and oppression. He has stood with every wronged man or woman before oppressive rulers, reproaching wrongdoers and encouraging the oppressed to persist in their struggle for freedom and dignity. The following encounter between Zayd b. Arqam, a venerable companion of the Prophet, and 'Ubayd Allah b. Ziyad is a living testimony to the struggle between illegitimate authority and the power of right. When the head of the Imam Husayn was brought before him, Ibn Ziyad began to poke its teeth and lips with a stick.
Zayd protested: 'Take away your stick! For, by God, I saw the Apostle of God often kiss these lips.' Saying this, Zayd began to weep. Ibn Ziyad reprimanded him, saying: 'May God cause your eyes to weep! Had it not been that you are an old and senile man, I would have cut off your head.' Zayd then walked away, exclaiming: 'O men, you are slaves after this day. For you have slain the son of Fatima and set as amir over you the son of Marjana [i.e., Ibn Ziyad]. By God, he shall kill the best of you and enslave the most wicked among you. Perish those who accept humiliation and shame.' Zayd then said, 'O Ibn Ziyad, I shall tell you something that will enrage you even more. I saw the Apostle of God seating Hasan on his left leg and Husayn on his right, and say, "O God, I commend them and the most righteous of the people of faith to your trust." How have you dealt with the trust of the Prophet, O Ibn Ziyad?' [22]
Divine wisdom in creation can be best discerned, according to the Qur'an, in the order of nature, and in the human individual and his society. Muslim hagiography has recorded the dramatic effect the death of Husayn had on nature. Thus the famous traditionist al-Bayhaqi reported that when al-Husayn b. 'Ali was killed, the sun was so deeply eclipsed that stars were seen at midday. People feared that it was the Day of Resurrection.[23] Nadra al-Azdiya, a woman who was contemporary with the Imam Husayn, is said to have reported: 'When al-Husayn b. 'Ali was killed, the sky rained down blood, so that next morning we found our wells and water jugs filled with it.' [24]
The memory of the martyred Imam has been kept alive and nourished by the tears of the faithful who vicariously share in the tragedy of the Imam Husayn and his loved ones and friends. Here again, tradition has extended the grief displayed by the pious for the tragedy of Karbala' to the cosmic order. Thus al-Suyuti reports in his commentary on the verse describing God's compassion towards the ancient martyr John son of Zachariah that 'The heavens did not weep for the death of anyone except John son of Zachariah and al-Husayn b. 'Ali. Its redness [at sunset] is the sign of its weeping.'[25]

Conclusion
It has already been argued that there is an existential and all-inclusive unity between the Prophet and his daughter Fatima, her husband, 'Ali, and their two sons. This unity makes it impossible to discuss one without discussing all the others. We have, therefore, been concerned throughout this study with the Imam Husayn in the context of this essential unity. It must be added, however, that the Imam Husayn was especially close to the heart of his grandfather, the Prophet Muhammad. It is of Husayn alone that he declared: 'Husayn is of me and I am of Husayn. May God love those who love Husayn.'[26] When sura 108 (al-Kawthar) was revealed, the Prophet announced this great favour to his close companion Anas b. Malik, on whose authority this tradition is reported. Anas asked: 'What is al-Kawthar?' He answered: 'It is a river in Paradise, but neither those who violate my covenant (dhimma), nor those who shall kill the people of my House will be allowed to drink of it.' [27]
Finally, Shi'i tradition has always insisted on the great merit the faithful earn in making pilgrimage (ziyara) to the tomb of the Imam Husayn and the tombs of the men who were martyred with him.
Yet Sunni tradition has likewise seen great merit in this pious act.[28] The ziyara to the tomb of the martyred Imam has acquired this great significance in all Muslim tradition because the Imam and his fellow martyrs are seen as models of jihad in the way of God. It is related that the father of the Imams, 'Ali ibn Abi Talib, passed by Karbala' after the battle of Siffin. He took a handful of its soil and exclaimed: 'Ah, ah, on this spot some men will be slain, and will enter Paradise without reckoning!' [29]
The spiritual unity of the ahl al-bayt, symbolized by the kisa', is in turn a symbol of the unity of all Muslims. It is for the sake of this unity in faith and commitment (islam) to God and the truth that the Imam Husayn sacrificed his life. He refused a partisan Islam when he refused to legitimize Umayyad rule. Because he refused humiliation, wrongdoing and deviation from the ideals of Islamic leadership as exemplified by the Prophet and his own father 'Ali, the Commander of the Faithful, the Imam Husayn drew once and for all the distinction between a true khalifa (representative) of the Apostle of God and the kings of this world. But above all, the Imam Husayn and his fellow martyrs accepted God's bargain with the people of faith to exchange their lives and wealth for the eternal bliss of Paradise.[30] This divine challenge is no less relevant to the Muslim community today than it was fourteen hundred years ago. It invites us still to 'a garden whose breadth is greater than the heavens and earth, prepared for those who fear God'.
[1] See 2:127, 3:96.
[2] See 3:33.
[3] Musnad Ibn Hanbal, quoted in M. Ayoub, Redemptive Suffering in Islam (The Hague, 1978), p. 25, and see also pp. 25-6
[4] Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad (Cairo, 1313), IV, 323.
[5] Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad b. Abd Allah al-Nisaburi, Mustadrak al-sahihayn (Haydarabad [Deccan], 1324), III, 147. See also 33:33.
[6] See, for example, the commentary on this verse in al-Zamakhshari and al-Tabari.
[7] Ala al-Din Ali al-Muttaqi b. Husam al-Din al-Hindi, Kanz al-'ummal (Haydarabad [Deccan], 1312), p. 217.
[8] See the commentary on 33: 33 in al-Suyuti, Al-Durr al-manthur.
[9] See 3:61. see also Muhammad b. 'Isa al-Tirmidhi, Sahih al-Tirmidhi (Cairo, 1920), II, 300, and Ibn Hanbal, I, 185.
[10] Abu Ja'far Ahmad al-Muhibb al-Tabari, Al-Riyad al-nadira (Cairo, n.d.), II, 199 For other versions of this tradition, see Murtada al-Husayni al-Fayruzabadi, Fada'il al-khamsa fi sihah al- sitta (Najaf, 1384), p. 252.
[11] See the commentaries on this verse in al-Zamakhshari, al-Tabari, and al-Suyuti.
[12] 76:8.
[13] For a detailed discussion of this tradition, see M Ayoub, pp 43-5.
[14] Abu Nu'aym, Ahmad b. Abd Allah al-Isbahani, Hilyat al-awliya' (Cairo, 1351). I, 86.
[15] Al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, VIII, 151, and IV 217. See also Shihab al-Din Ahmad b. Hajar al-Haytami al-Asqalani, Al-Sawa'iq al-Muhriqa (Cairo, 1312), p. 150.
[16] See the commentary on 2:37 in al-Suyuti.
[17] Al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, I, 234.
[18] Al-Fayruzabadi, III, 187.
[19] Ibn Hanbal, II, 513; al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, VII, 109.
[20] Al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, p. 221
[21] Al-Tirmidhi, II, 307
[22] Ibn Hajar, p. 118.
[23] Abu Bakr Ahmad b Husayn b. al-Bayhaqi, Al-Sunan al-Kubra (Haydarabad, 1344), III, 337.
[24] Ibn Hajar, p. 291.
[25] See the commentary on 19:13 in al-Suyuti.
[26] Al-Tirmidhi, II, 306.
[27] See the commentary on sura 108 in al-Suyuti.
[28] Muhibb al-Din Ahmad b. Abd Allah al-Tabari, Dhakha'ir al- 'uqba (n.p., 1356), p. 151. Note also the popularity of the Mosque of the Head of the Imam Husayn in Cairo as a place of pilgrimage.
[29] Shihab al-Din Ahmad b. Hajar al-Haytami al-Asqalani, Tahdhib al-tahdhib (Haydarabad [Deccan], 1325), II, 348.
[30] See 9:111.
Published by the Muhammadi Trust of Great Britain and Northern Ireland

Meaning of Hadith & Traditions 1
In works on Islam the word "hadith" usually refers to the sayings or "traditions" which have been transmitted from the Prophet. Muslims hold these to be the most important source of Islamic teachings after the Qur'an. Numerous works have been written in Western languages on the role of the hadith literature in Islam and a number of important translations have been made.
But almost all Western studies have been limited to the point of view of Sunni Islam and based on Sunni sources and collections. Practically no one has paid any serious attention to the different nature of the hadith literature in Shi'ism and the different sources from which the hadiths are derived.
The fundamental distinction to be made between Shi'ite and Sunni hadiths is that in Shi'ism the traditions are not limited to those of the Prophet, but include those of the Imams as well. As important and basic as this point is, it has not been understood even in such standard reference works as the new Encyclopedia of Islam. There the author of the article "Hadith" is aware that there is some difference between Shi'ism and Sunnism on the question of which hadiths are included, but he thinks that it lies in the fact that the Shi'ite collections accept "only traditions traced through 'Ali's family." But this is incorrect, since numerous traditions are also transmitted through other sources.
What the author fails to mention is that the hadith literature as understood by Shi'ites is not limited to the sayings of the Prophet, but includes those of the Imams as well. In short, collections of hadiths in Sunni Islam, such as those of al-Bukhari and Muslim, contain only sayings transmitted from and about the Prophet. But the Shi'ite collections, such as that of al-Kulayni, also contain sayings transmitted from and about the twelve Imams.
Naturally the Shi'ites make a distinction among the hadiths, so that those transmitted from the Prophet are of greater authority, but nevertheless all traditions are listed together according to subject matter, not according to author. The most famous and authoritative collections of Shi'ite hadiths are four works which, in terms of their importance for Shi'ism, correspond to the Six Correct Collections in Sunni Islam. These are al-Kafi fi 'ilm al-din (The Sufficient in the Knowledge of Religion) by Thiqat al-Islam Muhammad ibn Ya'qub al-Kulayni (d. 329/940), Man la yahduruhu al-faqih (For him not in the Presence of Jurisprudent) of Shaykh al-Saduq Muhammad ibn Babuyah al-Qummi (d. 381/991), Tahdhib al-ahkam (Rectification of the Statutes) by Shaykh al-Ta'ifah Muhammad al-Tusi (d. 460/ 1068) and al-Istibsar fi ma ukhtulif fihi min al-akhbar (Reflection upon the Disputed Traditions) also by al-Tusi.

The Present Collection
The sermons, sayings, prayers and writings translated here present a cross section of Shi'ite religious thought with an emphasis upon that which is most basic for the religion itself and most universal and hence understandable in the eyes of non-Muslims. As 'Allamah Tabataba'i points out in his foreword, in making these selections his aim was to emphasize the three basic dimensions of the Shi'ite tradition:
I. The profession of Unity (altawhid), or the metaphysical and theological principles of the faith
2. The political, social and moral teachings.
3. The inward, spiritual and devotional life of the community.
Hence the selections stress the principles and fundamentals (usul) of Islam, while they tend to ignore the branches and secondary aspects (furu). In other words, little is said about the concrete ramifications of the principles in terms of the details of the application of the Divine Law (al-Shari'ah) to everyday life. Nevertheless, the secondary aspects are clearly reflected in 'Ali's "Instructions to Malik al-Ashtar" and to a lesser degree in the prayers.
Although it is well known that the first "pillar of Islam" is the profession of faith, which begins with a statement of the Divine Unity, Western scholars have tended to explain the Islamic belief in God's Oneness as a relativity simple-minded affirmation of the existence of only one God. Perhaps one reason the Nahj albalaghah and the Shi'ite hadith literature in general have been neglected or simply branded as spurious is that their very existence flatly contradicts the commonly accepted idea of a simple bedouin faith with few philosophical or metaphysical overtones. In these writings we see that already in the first centuries of Islam the Divine Unity was affirmed in terms reminiscent of the subtlety of later "theosophical" Sufism, but still completely steeped in the peculiar spiritual aroma of the revelation itself.

The Sources
In making the selections 'Allamah Tabataba'i utilized four works: the Nahj al-balaghah, al-Sahifat al-sajjadiyyah, Bihar al-anwar and Mafatih al-jinan. The first two works are discussed in Dr. Nasr's introduction. Bihar al-anwar (Oceans of Lights) is a monumental encyclopedia of hadiths which attempts to collect all Shi'ite traditions in a single work and which classifies them by subject matter. It was compiled in the Safavid period by the famous theologian Muhammad Baqir Majlisi (d. 1110/1698-9 or 1111/1699-1700).
The importance the work has possessed since its compilation as the standard reference work for all Shi'ite studies can hardly be overemphasized. One indication of its popularity is that, despite its enormous size, it was published twice in lithographed form in the nineteenth century. The modern edition of the work fills 110 volumes of approximately 400 pages each. Majlisi collected his traditions from numerous earlier sources. As examples, we can mention a few of the works from which he derived the hadiths in the present collection, works which have been independently published in modern times.
Shaykh al-Saduq, the author of one of the four basic works on Shi'ite hadiths referred to above, compiled dozens of authoritative hadith collections, each of which usually follows a particular theme. His al-Tawhid collects traditions which illustrate the profession of God's Unit. His 'Uyun akhbar al-Rida gathers together everything that has been related about Imam 'Ali al-Rida, the eighth Imam, whose tomb in Mashhad is the holiest site of pilgrimage in Iran. The work contains such things as descriptions of the Imam's mother, explanations of the reason his name was chosen, all the sayings which have been recorded from him, and traditions concerning his death and the miracles which have occurred at his tomb. Shaykh al-Saduq's al-Khisal demonstrates the importance of numbers in the traditions. In twelve long chapters he records all the hadiths which mention the numbers one to twelve.
The author of al-Ihtijaj, Abu Mansur Ahmad ibn 'al-Tabarsi (d. 599/1202-3), rejects the views of certain of his contemporaries who had claimed that the Prophet and the Imams never engaged in argumentation. He collects together traditions in which their discussions with opponents have been recorded. The fourth work from which 'Allamah Tabataba'i made his selections is Mafatih al-jinan ("Keys to the Gardens of Paradise"), a standard collection of Shi'ite prayers compiled from Bihar al-anwar and other sources by 'Abbas Qummi (d. 1359/1940-1). It includes prayers to be recited daily, prayers for special occasions such as religious holidays and days of mourning, litanies and invocations for different moments in one's life, instructions for making a pilgrimage to the tomb of the Prophet or any one of the Imams and prayers for every other conceivable occasion as well.

The Translations
A note needs to be added about the method of translation. Because of the sacred nature of the texts and their fundamental importance as sources for the Shi'ite branch of Islam, I have attempted to translate them in a strictly literal manner so that the least amount of personal interpretation will have been made. There are definite disadvantages to this method, but the necessity for an accurate translation would seem to outweigh them all. After all, the Quran has been translated dozens of times. Others who may feel that the present translation does not do justice to the literary qualities of the text may try their own hand at rendering it into English. The necessity for a literal translation is all the greater because a good deal of the material translated here-in particular those parts which derive from the Nahj al-balaghah-has also been translated elsewhere and on the whole has been misrepresented.
Before such interpretive translations are made and held to reflect the thought of the Imams, literal translations are of paramount importance. In order to maintain a faithful translation, I have added notes wherever I deviate from a strictly literal translation or wherever there are questionable readings in the original. Because no standard translations exist for many technical terms, I have felt it necessary to add the Arabic original in brackets for the benefit of scholars and Arabic speakers.
This is especially true in the most difficult and metaphysical section of the book, Part I "On the Unity of God." Although the Arabic terms will prove a distraction to most readers, they represent the only practical way of tying the present texts into the reader's knowledge of the Arabic language. Finally I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Seyyed Hossein Nasr, who asked me to undertake this work many years ago and has guided me in every stage of it, although of course I remain completely responsible for any inaccuracies which may remain in the translations and notes. Peter Lamborn Wilson and William Shpall also read the manuscript and made valuable suggestions. And without the kindness and encouragement of Wg. Cdr. (rtd.) Husayn and the Muhammadi Trust, the work may never have been completed and published.

Meaning of Hadith & Traditions 2
Despite the vast amount of scholarship carried out by Western orientalists since the nineteenth century and the analyses and translations made of various Islamic sources, very little attention has been paid thus far to the collection of religious sayings, sermons, prayers, proverbs and didactic expositions which comprises the corpus of Hadith as understood by Twelve Imam Shi'ite Muslims. It is of course true that much of the substance of the Shi'ite hadith collection resembles the Sunni collection, [1] and to the extent that the latter has been studied the former has also been dealt with in an indirect manner. But in as much as Shi'ite hadiths possess a form, style and "perfume" of their own, no indirect treatment of their substance and content can replace the direct translation and analysis of this collection itself.
It is in fact rather amazing that despite the extreme importance of Shi'ite Hadith for the development of Shi'ite law and theology as well as many fields of the "intellectual sciences" (al-'ulum al-'aqliyyah), not to speak of its role in piety and the spiritual life, the sayings of the Imams of Shi'ism have not been rendered into English until now. Nor have they been studied as a whole and as a distinct body of religious writings of an inspired nature within the general context of Islam itself. The present volume represents, therefore, a pioneering effort to present a sample of this extensive body of writings to the English speaking world.
The Shi'ite hadith literature includes all the sayings of the Prophet of Islam accepted by Shi'ites as well as the traditions of the twelve Imams from 'Ali ibn Abi talib to the Mahdi. This collection is thus considered to be, after the Holy Quran, the most important body of religious texts for Shi'ites. As in Sunni Islam, so in this case: the Hadith forms along with the Revealed Book the basis of all the religious sciences, including of course the Shari'ah as well as religious life in both its intellectual and devotional aspects. No aspect of the life and history of the Shi'ite community would be comprehensible without a consideration of this body of inspired writings.
What is particular to this collection, however, is that although it is a part of the foundation of Islam as seen by Shi'ism, its "composition" stretches over a period of more than two centuries. In Sunni Islam, Hadith is limited to the sayings of the Blessed Prophet. In fact to use the term "hadith" in Sunnism is to refer to his sayings and not to anyone else's. In the case of Shi'ism, however, although a clear distinction is made between prophetic Hadith (al-hadith al-nabawi) and the sayings of the Imams (al-hadith al-walawi), the two are included in a single collection. This means that from a certain point of view the apostolic age of Islam is seen by Shi'ism to stretch way beyond the relatively short period usually associated with apostles in various religions.
The reason for this perspective lies of course in the Shi'ite conception of the Imam. [2] The term imam as used in a technical sense in Shi'ism differs from the general usage of the term in Arabic, where it means "leader", or in Sunni political theory where it means the caliph himself. As used technically in Shi'ism the term refers to the person who contains within himself the "Muhammadan Light" (al-nur al-mahammadi) which was handed down through Fatimah, the daughter of the Blessed Prophet, and 'Ali, the first Imam, to the others, terminating with the Hidden Imam who is to appear again one day as the Mahdi. [3] As a result of the presence of this light, the Imam is considered to be "sinless" (ma'sum) and to possess perfect knowledge of the esoteric as well as the exoteric order.
The Imams are like a chain of light issuing forth from the "Sun of Prophecy" which is their origin, and yet they are never separated from that Sun. Whatever is said by them emanates from the same inviolable treasury of inspired wisdom. Since they are an extension of the inner reality of the Blessed Prophet, their words really go back to him. That is why their sayings are seen in the Shi'ite perspective as an extension of the prophetic Hadith, just as the light of their being is seen as a continuation of the prophetic light. In Shi'ite eyes, the temporal separation of the Imams from the Blessed Prophet does not at all affect their essential and inner bond with him or the continuity of the "prophetic light" which is the source of his as well as their inspired knowledge.
This metaphysical conception is the reason that Shi'ites incorporate traditions stretching over two centuries into a single whole with those of the Blessed Prophet himself. It also distingiushes the Shi'ite conception of Hadith from that held in Sunnism. Otherwise, the actual content of Hadith in Sunni and Shi'ite collections is very close. After all, both kinds concern the same spiritual reality. Of course the chain of transmission accepted by the two schools is not the same. But despite this difference in the authorities who have handed down the prophetic sayings, the actual hadiths recorded by Sunni and Shi'ite sources have overwhelming similarities. The major difference is the Shi'ites' consideration of the extension of an aspect of the being of the Blessed Prophet in the Imams and therefore their addition of the sayings of the Imams to the strictly "prophetic" Hadith.
The sayings of the Imams are in many ways not only a continuation but also a kind of commentary and elucidation of the prophetic Hadith, often with the aim of bringing out the esoteric teachings of Islam. Many of these hadiths deal, like those of the Blessed Prophet, with the practical aspects of life and the Shari'ah. Others deal with pure metaphysics, as do certain prophetic hadiths, especially the "sacred hadiths" (hadith qudsi). Still other sayings of the Imams deal with the devotional aspects of life and contain some of the most famous prayers which have been recited over the ages by both Sunnis and Shi'ites. Finally some of the sayings deal with the various esoteric sciences.
They thus cover a vast spectrum ranging from the "mundane" problems of daily life to the question of the meaning of truth itself. Because of their innate nature and also the fact that like Sufism they issue from the esoteric dimension of Islam, they have intermingled over the ages with certain types of Sufi writings. [4] They have also been considered as sources of Islamic esotericism by the Sufis, because the Imams of Shi'ism are seen in the Sufi perspective as the spiritual poles of their age. They appear in the spiritual chain (silsilah) of various Sufi orders, even those which have spread almost exclusively among Sunnis. [5]
Because of the nature of their contents, these sayings have influenced nearly every branch of Shi'ite learning as well as the daily life of the community. Shi'ite jurisprudence (fiqh) bases itself directly upon this corpus in addition to the Holy Quran. Shi'ite theology (kalam) would be incomprehensible without a knowledge of these sayings. Shi'ite Quranic commentaries draw heavily upon them. Even sciences of nature such as natural history or alchemy were developed with reference to them. And finally these sayings have surfaced as sources for meditation of the most sublime metaphysical themes over the centuries, and some of the most elaborate metaphysical and philosophical schools of Islam have issued to a large extent from them. Later Islamic philosophy as associated with the name of Sadr al-Din Shirazi, would in fact be inconceivable without recourse to the Shi'ite hadith collection. [6] One of Sadr al-Din's greatest metaphysical works is his unfinished commentary upon a portion of the most important of the four basic Shi'ite collections of Hadith, the al-Kafi of al-Kulayni. [7]
Within the collection of Shi'ite hadiths are certain works which need to be mentioned separately. There is first of all the celebrated Nahj al-balaghah (The Path of Eloquence) of 'Ali ibn Abi talib assembled and systematized by the fourth/tenth century Shi'ite scholar Sayyid Sharif al-Radi. Considering the enormous importance of this work in Shi'ite Islam as well as for all lovers of the Arabic language, it is remarkable how little attention has been paid to it in European languages. [8]
After all, many of the leading writers of Arabic such as Taha Husayn and Kurd 'Ali claim in their autobiographies to have perfected their style of writing Arabic through the study of the Nahj al-balaghah, while generation after generation of Shi'ite thinkers have meditated and commented upon its meaning. Moreover, the shorter prayers and proverbs of this work have spread very widely among the populace and have entered both the classical and folk literature of not only Arabic but also Persian, and through the influence of Persian, several other languages of the Islamic peoples, such as Urdu.
The Nahj al-balaghah contains, besides spiritual advice, moral maxims and political directives, several remarkable discourses on metaphysics, especially concerning the question of Unity (al tawhid). It possesses both its own method of exposition and a very distinct technical vocabulary which distinguish it from the various Islamic schools which have dealt with metaphysics.
Western scholars refused for a long time to accept the authenticity of the authorship of this work and attributed it to Sayyid Sharif al-Radi, although the style of al-Radi's own works is very different from that of the Nahj al-balaghah. In any case as far as the traditional Shi'ite perspective is concerned, the position of the Nahj al-balaghah and its authorship can best be explained by repeating a conversation which took place some eighteen or nineteen years ago between 'Allamah Tabatabai, the celebrated contemporary Shi'ite scholar who is responsible for the selection of the present anthology, and Henry Corbin, the foremost Western student of Shi'ism. Corbin, who himself was as far removed from "historicism" as possible, once said to 'Allamah Tabataba'i during the regular discussions they had together in Tehran (in which the present writer usually acted as translator), "Western scholars claim that 'Ali is not the author of the Nahj al-balaghah. What is your view and whom do you consider to be the author of this work ?"
'Allamah Tabataba'i raised his head and answered in his usual gentle and calm manner, "For us whoever wrote the Nahj al-balaghah is 'Ali, even if he lived a century ago."
The second notable work in the Shi'ite collection of Hadith is the al-Sahifat al-sajjadiyyah (The Scroll of al-Sajjad of the fourth Imam Zayn al-'Abidin), also called al-Sajjad. A witness to the tragedy of Karbala-which must have left an indelible impression upon his soul-the fourth Imam poured forth his inner life in a symphony of beautiful prayers which have caused the Sahifah to be called the "Psalms of the Family of the Holy Prophet". These prayers form a part of the daily religious life of not only Shi'ites but also Sunnis, who find them in many of the prayer manuals most popular in the Sunni world. [9]
Also notable in the Shi'ite collection of Hadith are the sayings of the fifth, sixth and seventh Imams, from whom the largest number of traditions have been recorded. These Imams lived at the end of the Umayyad and beginning of the Abbasid dynasties when, as a result of the changes in the caliphate, central authority had weakened and the Imams were able to speak more openly and also train more students. The number of students, both Shi'ite and Sunni, trained by the sixth Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq has been estimated at four thousand. He left behind a vast body of sayings which range from the field of law to the esoteric sciences.
The sayings of the Holy Prophet and the Imams have been of course a constant source of meditation and discussion by Shi'ite men of learning throughout the ages. But it is especially in the later period of Shi'ite history beginning with Sayyid Haydar Amuli, leading to the great masters of the Safavid period such as Mir Damad and Mulla Sadra and continuing to the present day that these sayings have served as a distinct source for metaphysics and philosophy as well as the juridical and Quranic sciences. The commentaries of Mulla Sadra, Qadi Sa'id al-Qummi and many others on these collections of Shi'ite Hadith are among the great masterpieces of Islamic thought. [10] Later Islamic philosophy and theosophy in fact could not be understood without them. [11]
The present volume represents the second in a series of three which was planned many years ago with the help and support of Professor Kenneth Morgan, then of Colgate University, with the aim of presenting Shi'ism to the Western world from the point of view of Shi'ism itself. The first volume in the series appeared in English as Shi'ite Islam by 'Allamah Sayyid Muhammad Husayn Tabatabai edited and translated by the author of these lines. [12] The second volume, called The Quran in Islam (Qur'an dar islam), was also written by 'Allamah Tabataba'i and its Persian version printed in Tehrarn. Most of it was also translated by us into English, but the translation was not completed. The events of the last year in Iran have made the manuscript of what we have already translated inaccessible to us so that there is no possibility at the present moment to produce the English translation as planned.
The present volume is the third and final one in the series. After a long period of study and deliberation, 'Allamah Tabataba'i made the present selection from the vast collection of Hadith, a task which would have been bewildering for anyone not possessing his knowledge of this inspired literature. Once this selection was made, Dr. William Chittick, who was then residing in Tehran and working with us on various scholarly projects, undertook the arduous task of translating the very compact and difficult Arabic texts into English. Because of the lack of precedence for rendering these writings into European languages and the nature of the texts themselves, Dr. Chittick was faced with a formidable task. It was only his intimate knowledge of Arabic, Persian and the subject matter combined with great patience and meticulous scholarship that made it possible for him to succeed in such a laborious and exacting undertaking. He should be congratulated in every way for having successfully concluded this colossal task.
It remained for the Muhammadi Trust to bring the project to fruition and to make its publication possible. The credit for this volume and its effect in making Shi'ism better known must be given to a large extent to the Trust. As one who was responsible for this volume from its inception, I want to thank the Trust especially Wg. Cdr. (ret'd.) Q. Husayn, its very able secretary who with great love and devotion to the true cause of Islam, enabled us to complete this project. Dr. Chittick, also, has earned the gratitude of all students of Islam for his fine scholarship and devotion to the completion of a very difficult project.
This volume is particularly pertinent at the present moment, when volcanic eruptions and powerful waves of a political nature associated with the name of Islam in general and Shi'ism in particular have made an authentic knowledge of things Islamic imperative, lest ignorance destroy the very foundations of human society and the relations which make the discourse between various nations and religious communities possible.
At the dawn of this fifteenth century of the terrestrial existence of Islam, may this volume be an aid in bringing about an understanding of one of the fundamental sources of inspiration and knowledge for not only Shi'ism but Islam as such.
Wa'Llahu a'lam
Seyyed Hossein Nasr
Cambridge, Massachussetts
Muharram 1400 November 1979
Notes:
[1] There are six canonical collections in Sunni Islam which have been accepted by the whole community since they were first compiled in the second and the third Islamic centuries. These collections, referred to al-Sihah al-sittah, the Six Correct Collections, are associated with the names of great scholars of Hadith such as Bukhari, Muslim, etc. Of these, the most famous is that of Bukhari, which has been translated into English (Sahih al-Bukhari: Arabic-English, by Muhammad Muhsin Khan, Islamic University, Madina; second revised edition, Ankara, 1976). The vast concordance of Hadith by Wensinck, Mensing et al. (Leiden, 1936-69) is based on these six collections.
[2] See 'Allamah Tabatabai, Shi'ite Islam, London-Albany, 1975, pp. 173ff.
[3] As far as the continuity of the chain is concerned the Isma'ili conception is of course different, since for the Isma'ilis the chain of Imams continues un-interrupted to this day.
[4] On the relation between Shi'ism and Sufism See S. H. Nasr, Sufi Essays, London, 1972, pp. 104-20
[5] A most interesting example of such interpenetration is to be seen in part of the famous prayer of the third Shi'ite Imam Husayn, also found in Shadhili prayers manuals. See W. Chittick, "A Shadhili Presence on Shi'ite Islam", Sophia Perennis, vol. I, 1975, pp. 97-100
[6] On this corpus as a source for the doctrines of Sadr al Din Shirazi see S. H. Nasr, Sadr al Din Shirazi and His Transcendent Theosophy, London-Boulder, 1978, chapter 4.
[7] This monumental work was translated into French by H. Corbin, who taught it for many years in Paris, but it has never been published. See Corbin, En Islam iranien, Paris, 1971.
[8] This work has been translated several times in part or wholly in the Indo-Pakistani sub-continent and in Iran, but none of these translations is completely adequate. A new translation as been prepared by S. H. Jafri which is supposed to be published soon and which, we hope, will fulfill the very difficult condition of doing justice to both the meaning and the literary beauty of the text.
[9] Some of these prayers have been translated by C. Padwick in her Muslim Devotions, London, 1961
[10] See H. Corbin, En islam iranien.
[11] Not only Mulla Sadra, but also his students were deeply influenced by this collection. One of Mulla Sadra's most famous students, Mulla Muhsin Fayd Kashani, who was at once theologian, gnostic and philosopher, was also an outstanding authority on Shi'ite Hadith. His al-Wafi is one of the most studied works on hadiths of the Shi'ite Imams and their lines of transmission.
[12] In our introduction to that work we have dealt with the conditions under which these works were conceived as well as a biography of 'Allammah Tabatabai. Shi'ite Islam, was published by both Allen & Unwin in London and the State University of New York Press in Albany. The work has also just appeared in paperback in America. It is of interest to note that the original Persian version of this work, written specifically for this project and with a Persian Introduction by S. H. Nasr, has become one of the most widely read works on Shi'ism in Iran itself and has been reprinted many times.

Al-Kafi' by Al-Kulayni
Dr. I. K. A. Howard
Al-Serat, Vol. 2 (1976), No. 1

The Author
The author of al-Kafi was thiqat al-Islam, Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. Ya'qub b. Ishaq al-Kulaini al-Razi. He died in 328 A.H. or 329 A.H. (939 or 940 A.D.). Very little is known of his life and there is some dispute as to whether the nisba by which he is known is al-Kulaini or al-Kulini. However, it is agreed that it refers to a village in Iran, Kulain or Kulin; both were villages there.[1]
He first worked as a religious scholar and faqih (student of fiqh or religious law) among the Imami-Shi'i scholars of al-Raiy in Iran. Then he moved to Baghdad and became head of the religious and legal scholars of the Imamis during the time when al-Muqtadir was Caliph. Al-Kulaini's life's work took place during the time of the sufara' of the Mahdi (the agents who acted on behalf of the Hidden Imam during the lesser occultation, al ghaiba al-sughra).[2]
Al-Kulaini is accredited with several works during this period. Among these are, as well as al-Kafi, a Kitab al-rijal, (a book in which men are assessed as authorities for traditions), al-Radd 'ala 'l-Qaramata ("Refutation of the Carmatians", Rasa' il al-a'immata "Letters of the Imams" and an anthology of poetry about the Imams. Only al-Kafi appears to have survived.[3]

Al- Kafi
Al-Kafi is a collection of the traditions taught by the Prophet and the Imams and handed down to the Muslim Community by the disciples of the Imams. The name al-Kafi means "that which is sufficient" that is, the book was intended to be a comprehensive collection of Imami-Shi'i traditions. This is explained by al-Kulaini in his introduction to the work:
"...You wanted to have a book which would be sufficient (for your religious needs) (kafin), which would include all kinds of knowledge ('ilm) of religion, which would be adequate for the student, and to which the teacher might refer. Thus it could be used by anyone who wanted knowledge of religion and of legal practice ('amal) according to sound traditions (athar) from the truthful ones (the Imams) ..."
It is claimed that it took al-Kulaini twenty years to complete al-Kafi. It is indeed a very full and comprehensive work, divided into three sections, al-usul, al-furu and al-rawda. The usul give traditions concerning the principles of religion and principles on which religious law is based. The furu' concern the traditions which elaborate the details of religious law, while the rawda is a collection of traditions outlining various points of religious interest and including some of the letters and speeches of the Imams. One of the principal features of the work is that the traditions are presented systematically in chapters according to their subject matter. This is a system which Islamic scholars had begun to use in the second half of the second century and in the third century of the Islamic era. Al-Kulaini was not the first Imami scholar to use the method. There are other works of traditions which use the same method, notably Kitab al-Mahasin of Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Khalid al-Barqi (d. 274/887).[4]
However it seems to have been the first work to present such a comprehensive survey of Imami traditions in this manner. The source collections of traditions were known as usul. These were collections of traditions, either heard directly from the Imam or at least at second hand. There were said to have been four hundred of such collections.[5]
These traditions were not arranged in chapters according to subject but arranged in the order in which the traditions were heard, regardless of subject matter or which particular Imam they were heard from.[6]
It was these usul as well as earlier edited collections which were the basis of al-Kulaini's collection as he heard them taught by earlier scholars. Unfortunately with the development of the comprehensive collections, the usul must have become less important, and only a few survive in manuscript. Traditionists before al-Kulaini and traditionists after him, examined the isnads (chain of authorities) with great care. Their purpose was to make sure that all reporters of a particular tradition were men of true faith; al-Kulaini himself seems to be less concerned with the isnad than with the matn or content of the tradition. Thus he sometimes reports traditions with men in the isnad, who were not strictly speaking disciples of the Imams; sometimes they belong to a different persuasion like the Zaidis, sometimes they are ghulat, extremists in their views. Some men in the isnads are those who regarded one of the earlier Imams as the final Imam and there are even men entirely unconnected with Shi'i views.[7]
The scholars of tradition elaborated a system of categorising the different traditions according to the level of authenticity of a tradition, in terms of isnad and subject matter. The number of traditions in al-Kafi is 15,181;[8]
according to another reckoning 15,176.[9]
If the traditions reported in different sections are counted, the number is over 1,000 more. Of the basic traditions, 5,072 are considered sound (sahih) by scholars, i.e. first category; 144 are regarded as good (hasan), second category; 178 are held to be trustworthy (muwaththaq), third category; 302 are adjudged to be strong (qawi), fourth category; and 9,484 are considered weak (da'if), fifth category.[10]
The fact that a tradition is considered weak does not mean that it is not true. What it means is that the scholars of tradition have found some weakness in the tradition, usually one of the persons in the isnad, which suggests the possibility that the tradition might not go back to the Imam as claimed. The science developed by Islamic scholars of tradition in order to examine the isnads and subject matter of traditions is a very specialised study; it involves, in particular, `ilm al-rijal, the study of the backgrounds of individual traditionists who have handed on the tradition. The usul of al-Kafi are divided into eight kutub or chapters and most of the kutub are divided into abwab or sections. The eight kutub are.
Kitab al-'aql wa-'l'jahl, "The Chapter of Reason and Ignorance". This chapter presents the theological distinction between reason and ignorance.
Kitab fadl al-'ilm, "The Chapter of the Excellence of Knowledge". In this chapter knowledge ('ilm) is dealt with on the basis of its basic early Islamic meaning of the traditional knowledge of Islam, i.e. knowledge of religion that has been passed on and inherited. In the course of this chapter, sections deal with the methods of approaching Islamic traditional knowledge; the methods of judging the truth of the subject matter of traditions, a description of traditions from the Imams and arguments against the use of personal opinion (ra'y) and analogy (qiyas).
Kitab al-tawhid, "The Chapter of Unity". This, as its name suggests, deals with the theology of God.
Kitab al-hujja, "The Chapter of the Proof". This deals with the need for man and the world to have "a proof". That "proof" is the Imams, and before them it was the prophets. It also includes an historical section on the Imams.
Kitab al-Iman wa-'l-kufr, "The Chapter of Faith and Unbelief". This is a comprehensive survey of the elements of faith (iman) and unbelief (kufr). It includes such important topics as "the pillars of Islam", and it also deals with the difference between faith (iman) and submission to God (Islam).
Kitab al-du'a', "The Chapter of Prayer". This does not concern the statutory salat which is also translated "prayer". This chapter deals with personal prayers (du'a') as distinct from the salat which is performed in a prescribed manner at prescribed times. It records prayers recommended by the Imams for a variety of situations and occasions.
Kitab al-fadl al-Qur'an, "The Chapter of the Excellence of the Qur'an". The title of the chapter shows that it concerns the advantages that accrue to the believer who recites the Qur'an, as well as advising on the methods of recitation.
Kitab al-'ishra, "The Chapter of Companionship". At first sight it seems rather surprising to find such a chapter included in the usul or principles of religion. The main concern of the other chapters has been man's relationship with God. This chapter emphasizes that that relationship with God also encompasses man's relationship with his fellow men.
The furu' of al-kafi are concerned with the elaboration of the details of Islamic law. Islamic law, as is well known, concerns the whole man and his conduct towards God is as much a matter of Islamic law as his conduct towards his fellow men. The furu' contain many more traditions than the usul and there are 26 kutub. It opens in the traditional Islamic manner with the Kitab al-tahara , "The Chapter of Purity", which concerns the ritual purification that is necessary before prayer (salat) and when the state of ritual purity is broken. The next book Kitab al-haid, "The Chapter of Menstruation" concerns one of the important states in which ritual purity is broken, that of menstruation. The third book also concerns a state which breaks ritual purity, that of death and Kitab al-jana'iz, "The Chapter of Funerals" deals with funerals and other matters concerned with burial rites. The Kitab al-salat, "The Chapter of Prayer" outlines the rules for ritual prayer, and also gives details of superrogatory prayer. Following Kitab al-salat is another pillar of Islam, the alms tax (al-Zakat) paid as a Muslim. After this comes the Kitab al-siyam, "The Chapter of Fasting". Here the rules of the prescribed fast of Ramadan are outlined as well as those of voluntary fasts, and fasts performed as an act of expiation. Kitab al-Hajj, "The Chapter of the Pilgrimage" gives the rules of that great Islamic rite. Al-Kulaini also includes in this chapter a section on visiting the tombs of the Prophet and the Imams (al-Ziarat). The next chapter Kitab al-jihad presents traditions on the regulations for holy warfare. It is followed by Kitab al-ma'isha which conerns the manner of earning one's living. All sorts of trading problems are treated in this chapter. Marriage (nikah) is the subject of the next book. There are numerous details including a very detailed section on mut'a or temporary marriage. Marriage is naturally followed by the birth of children and the next book deals with what is necessary and what is recommended at that time. Although it deals with a variety of matters concerned with the birth and bringing up of children, it is called Kitab al-'aqiqa. Aqiqa is actually a sacrifice performed on behalf of a seven-day old child. The hair of the child is cut off and its weight in silver given as sadaqa "charity". The Prophet performed this sacrifice on behalf of al-Hasan and al-Husain and Fatima gave away the sadaqa. After marriage and children, the next subject is that of divorce (al-talaq). The different laws concerning divorce are detailed in traditions from the Prophet and the Imams. Then the different kinds of slaves and the different methods of freeing them are discussed in kitab al-'itq wa'-l-tadbir wa-'l-katiba. The next two chapters concern hunting (said) and ritual slaughter (dhaba'ih). There follow three chapters on daily living: one is concerned with foods (at'ima) another drinks (ashriba), and the third with clothes, ornaments and courteousness (al-ziq wa-'l-tajammul wa-'l-muru'a). After this comes a chapter on domestic animals (dawajin). Two chapters deal with inheritance. The first entitled al-wasaya deals with bequests while the second al-mawarith outlines the ordinary laws of inheritance. The remaining chapters all concern the administration of the law. Kitab al-hudud outlines the circumstances and the manner in which punishments, which have the authority of the Qur'an, and the Prophet should be administered, while al-diyat concerns the laws of blood vengeance and details the compensation that must be given if someone harms another physically. Kitab al-shahadat concerns the requirements for testimony in legal cases, and Kitab al-qada' wa-'l-ahkam outlines the code of behaviour incumbent upon judges and what type of people they should be. The furu closes with a discussion of oaths, vows and the manner of atonement when the former two are broken in Kitab al-aiman wa-l-nudhur wa-'l-kaffarat. In the rawda of al-Kafi, al-Kulaini does not follow the systematic method he had used in the usul and the furu'. The traditions follow one another in what appears to be a fairly inconsistent order. It certainly lacks the detailed systematic approach that is so obviously present in the other two parts of the book. In presenting the traditions in al-Kafi, al-Kulaini's main approach seems to have been to let the traditions speak for themselves. He intervenes very little himself. Sometimes he thinks it necessary to explain some discrepancy or apparent inconsistency, but these occasions are very rare. His main contribution to the task has been the massive work of collecting and editing. The importance of al-Kafi as a work of tradition is considerable. It is regarded as one of the four major works of Shi'i traditions. This has led to considerable number of commentaries being written about it by later writers. The most important of these is Mir'at al-'uqul fi sharh akhbar al al-rasul by al-Majlisi (d. 1110/1698). Other commentators include Mulla Sadr al-Din al-Shirazi (d. 1050/1640), al-Mazandarani (d. 1080/1699), al-Qazwini (d. 1089/1678) and Muhammad Baqir b. Damad (d. 1040/1630). All these commentaries have been published, though most of them nearly a hundred years ago. In addition to these commentaries, there are numerous others, many of which have also been published.[11]
The great value of al-Kafi to Shi'i Muslims is emphasized by the number of outstanding scholars of their community who have considered it worthwhile to write commentaries on the work. Al-Kafi represents a decisive moment in the collection of traditions from the Prophet and the Imams and their systematic presentation.
Notes:
1.Cf. 'Ali Akbar al-Ghaffari's introduction to his eight volume edition of al-Kulaini's al-Kafi Teheran, 3rd edition 1388-), I, 9-13
2.Ibid. I 13-14
3.Ibid. I 14
4.Ibid. I 23-24 citing page 8 of al-Kulaini's text.
5.This work has been edited in two volumes by Jalal al-Din al-Husaini and published in Teheran, 1370 A.H.
6.On the Usul, see Agha Buzurg al-Tihrani al-Dhari'a ila tasanif al-Shi'a (Najaf and Teheran, 1963-), II, 125-129.
7.Hashim Ma'ruf al-Hasani Dirasat fi '1-Kafi wa'-l-Sahih (Sur 1968) 137-8
8.Based on a count of the various categories of Traditions given by Agha Buzurg al-Tihrani op.cit. XVII 245.
9.This number is given by Ali Akbar al-Ghaffar'i in his introduction to al-Kafi, I, 28 footnote 3
10.Agha Buzurg al-Tihrani, op.cit., XVII, 245.
11.F. Sezgin, Geshichte des arabischen Schrifttums (Leiden 1967-), I, 541-2.

Man la yahduruh al-Faqih' by Al-Saduq
Dr. I. K. A. Howard
Al-Serat, Vol. 2 (1976), No. 2
The Author Al-Shaikh al-Saduq is the title given to Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. 'Ali ibn Babawaih al Qummi. He was the leading traditionist of his time (4th Century A.H.) and one of the most outstanding traditionists of Shi'ite Islam. He earned the title of al-Shaikh al-Saduq on account of his great learning and his reputation for truthfulness. It is a title which he also shares with his father. Al-Shaikh 'Ali, the father of the author, was a leading figure among the scholars of Qumm. By the father's time the family were established as strong adherents of Shi'ite Islam. However, it is not known how early the family entered into Islam.[1]
Al-Shaikh al-Saduq is sometimes known as Ibn Babawaih. This is the family name and indicates the Persian origin of the family. For Babwaih is an Arabicized version of the Persian form Babuyah.[2]
The date of al-Shaikh al-Saduq's birth is not known exactly. However an interesting story surrounds the circumstances of his birth. When his father was in Iraq, he met Abul Qasim al-Husain b. Rawh, the third agent of the Hidden Imam. During their meeting he asked the latter several questions. Later he wrote to al-Husain b. Rawh asking him to take a letter to the Hidden Imam. In this letter he asked for a son. Al-Husain sent back an answer telling him that they (the Hidden Imam and al-Husain) had prayed to God to ask Him to grant the request and he would be rewarded with two sons. Another version of the story says three sons. The elder, or eldest, of these sons was Muhammad, that is al-Shaikh al-Saduq, our author. On the basis of this story, early Shi'ite scholars have placed his birth after the year 305 A.H. probably 306 A.H. For al-Husain b. Rawh was the agent of the Hidden Imam from 305 A.H. until his death in 326 A.H. Al-Shaikh al-Saduq was born and grew up in Qumm. He was educated by his father and came into close contact with all the leading scholars of Shi'ite Islam in Qumm and studied under many of them.[3]
Qumm was one of centres of the study of Shi'ite traditions and it was this form of religious learning which held great influence over al-Shaikh al-Saduq. He travelled widely visiting many cities in search of traditions and as a result the number of scholars whom he learned traditions from is considerable. The number is put at 211. The importance of traditions is emphasized by al-Shaikh al-Saduq and he quotes traditions against speculative theology. His works reflect this interest in traditions and nearly all of them take the form of compilations of traditions. However he did write a creed of Shi'ite Islam al-I'tiqadat. His pupil, the eminent theologian al-Shaikh al-Mufid, wrote a correction of this creed Tashih al-i'tiqad where he criticises him on several points.[4]
The number of al-Shaikh al-Saduq's works is considerable.[5]
Al-Tusi says that they numbered over 300 but list only 43 of them that he has immediately in his possession, while al-Najashi lists 193 of them. Curiously enough al-Najashi does not mention the important work Man la y'ahduruh al-faqih! Many of the works of al-Shaikh al-Saduq have been lost but a considerable number survive and have been published. There are also other works not yet published but extant in manuscript form. As has been mentioned during his life al-Shaikh al-Saduq devoted most of his energy to the collection and compilation of traditions; he was also a great teacher of tradition. During the last years of his life al Shaikh' al Saduq lived in a Rayy. He had been invited there by the Buyid Rukn al Dawla.[6]
He seems to have been well-treated and honoured there by Rukn al-Dawla and took part in many discussions with him. However it is reported that his teaching was eventually restricted by the Buyid Wazir Ibn 'Abbad. The attack appears to have been aimed at traditions for several Sunni traditionists also suffered similar restrictions at the hands of Ibn 'Abbad.[7]
Al-Shaikh al-Saduq died in al-Rayy in 381 A.H. and he was buried there. He was probably more than 70 years of age. He left behind him many collections of traditions which are of great importance. Man la yahduruh al-faqih This work is included in the four major books of the traditions of Shi'ite Islam Despite the fact that many of his other works are extremely important, this book must be regarded as his most important work However some authorities maintain that there were five major books of traditions and they include another of al Shaikh al Saduq's works Madinat al-'ilm, in this number.[8]
Al-Tusi mentions that the latter work was bigger than Man la yahduruh al-faqih.[9]
It appears that this book is no longer existant. It seems to have been concerned with usul al-din (the principles of religion) rather than the furu', which are the practical regulations for carrying out the shari'a, the holy law of Islam. As its title implies Man la yahduruh al faqih was concerned with furu'. It has be neatly translated by E. G. Brown as "Every man his own lawyer"[10]
In his introduction to the book al-Shaikh al-Saduq explains the circumstances of its composition and the reason for its title. When he was at Ilaq near Balkh, he met Sharif al-Din Abu 'Abd Allah known as Ni'mah whose full name was Muhammad b. Al-Husain b. Al-Husain b. Ishaq b. Musa b. Ja'far b. Muhammad b. Ali b. Al-Husain b. Ali b. Abi Talib. He was delighted with his discourses with him andh his gentleness, kindness, dignity and interest in religion. He brought a book compiled by Muhammad b. Zakharia al-Razi entitled Man la yahduruh al-Talib or "Every man his own doctor" to the attention of al-Shaikh al-Saduq. He, then, asked him to compile a book on fiqh (jurisprudence), al-halal Wa-'1-haram (the permitted and prohibited) al-shara-i' wa-'l-ahkam (revealed law and (ordinary) laws) which would draw on all the works which the Shaikh had composed on the subject. This book would be called Man la yahduruh al-faqih and would function as a work of reference.[11]
In fact the work represents a definitive synopsis of all the traditions which al-Shaikh al-Saduq had collected and included in individual books on specific legal subjects. In the lists of books of al-Shaikh al-Saduq, individual works are attributed to him on every subject of the furu'; examples are such works as Kitab al-nikah "Book of Marriage" or Kitab al-hajj "Book of the Pilgrimage". That this was the intention of both the author and the learned member of Ahl al-bait is emphasised by the author when he says that Sharif al-Din had asked him for this work despite the fact that he had copied or heard from him the traditions of 145 books.[12]
Another element in the work that stresses that it was conceived as a reference book to help ordinary Shi'ites in the practise of the legal requirements of Islam is the general absence of the isnads for traditions. The isnads - or the chain of authorities by which the tradition had been received from the Prophet or one of the Imams - was, and is, an all-important feature of the science of traditions. Therefore this book was not meant to be a work for scholars, who would want to check the authorities. Scholars could check the isnads in the numerous individual studies compiled by al-Shaikh al-Saduq. This book was a summary of the study of legal traditions by one of the great scholars of traditions. Al-Shaikh al-Saduq says that he complied with the request for him to compile the book "... because I found it appropriate to do so. I compiled the book without isnads (asanid) so that the chains (of authority) should not be too many (-and make the book too long-) and so that the book's advantages might be abundant. I did not have the usual intention of compilers (of books of traditions) to put forward everything which they (could) narrate but my intention was to put forward those things by which I gave legal opinions and which I judged to be correct.[13]
Al-Shaikh al-Saduq also gives an account of some of the earlier works which he referred to. These works were the books of Hariz b. 'Abd Allah al-Sijistani - he died during the life time of Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq; the book of 'Ubaid Allah b. 'Ali al-Halabi - who was also a contemporary of Imam Ja'far; the books of Ali b. Mahziyar - who took traditions from Imam 'Ali al-Rida, Imam Muhammad al-Jawad and Imam al-Hadi; the books of al-Husain b. Sa'id - who also heard traditions from those three Imams; the Nawadir of Ahmad b. Muhammad b. 'Isa - who died in 297 A.H. and also heard traditions from those three Imams; the Kitab nawadir al-hikma of Muhammad b. Yahya b. 'Imran al-Ash'ari; Kitab al-rahma of Sa'd b. 'Abd Allah - who died in 299 A.H. or 301 A.H.; the Jami' of Muhammad b. al-Hasan - who was one of the teachers of the Shaikh and died in 343 A.H.; the Nawadir of Muhammad b. Abi 'Umayr - who died in 218 A.H.; the Kitab al-Mahasin of Ahmad b. Abi 'Abd Allah al-Barqi (i.e. Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Khalid al-Barqi) who died in 274 A.H. or 280 A.H. (this book has been published in Teheran); and the Risala which his father had written to him. The Shaikh goes on to mention that he also consulted many other works whose names occur in the book-lists.[14]
This inclusion of the list of some of the works consulted is useful evidence that the works of both al-Shaikh al-Saduq and his predecessor, al-Kulaini, who compiled the first of the four major books of Shi'ite traditions, al-Kafi, represent the culmination of works of traditions which had been compiled in a continuous process from the earliest times and at least from the time of Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq. In addition to these references which the author gives in his introduction he frequently refers to his own works during the course of the book. Thus at the end of his Bab nawadir al-hajj (Chapter of Exceptional Traditions of the Pillgrimage), he says: "I have published these nawadir with isnads with others in Kitab jami', nawadir al-hajj."[15]
Another feature of the work is the method used by the author. He does not leave the traditions to speak for themselves but frequently draws rules from the traditions or explains their meaning. In a summary of the various traditions on the pilgrimage, he gives a long outline of all the rituals which should be performed by the faithful with very few traditions intervening in his outline.[16]
The book covers most of the points concerned with the furu' (practices) of fiqh jurisprudence. It is not arranged in chapters (kutub) but in smaller sections (abwab), with the various categories such as fasting and pilgrimage following closely after each other . As indicated, its lack of isnads and al-Shaikh al-Saduq's own explanations make it an extremely useful compendium of law for ordinary Shi'ite Muslims of the period. The book, naturally as one of the four major works of traditions, has had many commentaries written on it. Among the great Shi'ite writers who have written such commentaries are al-Sayyid Ahmad b. Zain al-'Abidin al-'Alawi al-'Amili (died 1060 A.H.) and Muhammad Taqi al-Majlisi al-Awwal (died 1070 A H ). The book itself has been recently published in four volumes in Teheran.
Notes:
1.Cf. "Introduction" by al-Sayyid Hasan al-Musawi al-Khurasan in his edition of Man la yahduruh al-faqih (4 volumes Teheran, 1390), I, pages h-w A. A. 2.Fyzee, A Shi'ite Creed (Calcutta, 1942), p.8 footnote
2 Cf.
3.al-Sayyid Hasan al-Musawi al-Khurasan, "Introduction", op cit, I, pages z-t
4.W. Madelung, "Imamism and Mu'tazilite Theology",
5.Le Shi'isme Imamite, (Paris 1970), 21 5.Al-Shaikh al-Tusi, al-Fihrist (Mashhad 1351 A.H.S.), 303
6.Cited by A. A. Fyzee, op cit., 11, 16
7.Cited by W. Madelung, op cit., 20
8.Al-Sayyid Hasan al-Musawi al-Khurasan, op cit., page Ar
9.Al-Shaikh al-Tusi, loc cit Cited by A. A. Fyzee,
10.op cit., 6
11.Man la yahduruh al-faqih, I, 2-3
12.Ibid, I. 3
13.Ibid
14.Ibid, I, 3-5
15.Ibid, II, 311
16.Ibid, II, 311

Tahdhib al-Ahkam' and 'Al-Istibsar' by Al-Tusi
Dr. I. K. A. Howard
Al-Serat, Vol. 2 (1976), No. 2
The Author Shaikh al-ta'ifa (the teacher of the community) Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. al-Hasan b. 'Ali b. al-Hasan al-Tusi was born in Tus in Iran in the year 385 of the Islamic era. His career marks the climax of a very great period in Shi'ite Islamic scholarship and learning. It was during this period that Shi'ite scholars were without rivals in the Islamic world. Al-Shaikh al-Tusi's teachers included al-Shaikh al-Mufid, and the two brothers, members of Ahl al-bait and both outstanding scholars, al-Sharif al-Murtada and al-Sharif al-Radi. This period of great public Shi'ite Islamic scholarship had begun with al-Kulaini (died 328/9 A.H.), whose collection of traditions, al-Kafi, is the first of the four major works of Shi'ite Islamic traditions.[1]
It was then continued with al-Shaikh al-Saduq lbn Babawaih (died 381 A.H.); his great collection of traditions, Man la yahduruh al-faqih, is the second of the major works of traditions.[2]
The remaining two major collections of traditions were compiled by al-Shaikh al-Tusi and they are Tahdhib al-ahkam fi sharh al-munqi' a[3]
and al-Istibsar fima 'khtalaf min al-akhbar.[4]
Al-Shaikh al-Tusi grew up in Tus and began his studies there. In 408 A.H. he left Tus to study in Baghdad. There he first studied under al-Shaikh al-Mufid, who died in 413 A.H. Leadership of the Shi'ite scholars then fell to al-Sharif al-Murtada. The latter remained in this position until his death in 436 A.H. During this time al-Shaikh al-Tusi was closely associated with al-Sharif al-Murtada. His vast scholarship and learning made him a natural successor of al-Sharif al-Murtada as the leading spokesman of Shi'ite Islam. So impressive was his learning that the Abbasid caliph, al-Qadir bi-'llah, attended his lectures and sought to honour him. In the closing years of al-Shaikh al-Tusi's life the political situation in Baghdad and the domains of the Abbasid caliphate was in turmoil. The Saljuqids fiercely anti-Shi'ite, were gaining commanding power in the centre of the Islamic Empire at the expense of the Buyids who had always seemed tolerant to Shi'ite views. In 447 Tughril-bek the leaders of the Saljuqids entered Baghdad. At this time many of the 'ulama' in Baghdad, both Sunni and Shi'ite were killed. The house of al-Shaikh al-Tusi was burnt down, as were his books and the works he had written in Baghdad, together with important libraries of Shi'ite hooks. Fanaticism against the Shi'a was great. Al-Shaikh al-Tusi, seeing the danger of remaining in Baghdad, left and went to al-Najaf. Al-Najaf, the city where 'Ali b. Abi Talib had been martyred, was already a very important city in the hearts of Shi'ite Muslims. However, it was al-Shaikh al-Tusi's arrival which was to give that city the impetus to become the leading centre of Shi'ite scholarship. This is a role, which it has maintained down to the present day. Al-Shaikh al-Tusi died in al-Najaf in 460 A.H. His body was buried in a house there, which was made into a mosque as he had enjoined in his will. Even today his grave is a place of visitation in al-Najaf. Al-Tusi was succeeded by his son al-Hasan, who was known as al-Mufid al-Thani, and was himself an outstanding scholar.[5]
The learning of al-Shaikh al-Tusi extended over the whole of Islamic studies. He was a learned traditionist, whose two compilations will be discussed below; but he was not only a traditionist, he was also an authoritative jurist, who could interpret traditions to meet the needs of jurisprudence, and many of his works on jurisprudence and the principles of jurisprudence still survive, in particular al-Mabsut and al-Nihaya. In addition, he was the leading Shi'ite theologian of his time. As well as writing works of a general theological nature, he also wrote specific works on individual topics. On the Imamate, he wrote Talkhis al-Shafi, which was based on al-Sharif al-Murtada's al-Shafi fi 'l-imama. He wrote a work on al-Ghaiba, the occultation of the 12th Imam. As a traditionist, he naturally had an interest in the men who related traditions, in his Kitab al-rijal, he tries to list most of the important Shi'ites. His Fihrist is an important work of Shi'ite bibliography. In it he lists many of the works of early Shi'ite writers and sometimes gives an account of their writers and the contents of the works. This work may to some extent reflect al-Tusi's own library before it was so tragically destroyed. Tahdhib al-ahkam fi sharh al-muqni 'a The title of this work could be translated as "The Refinement of the Laws (as Discussed) in Terms of the Explanation of the Sufficiency". "The Sufficiency" or al-Muqni'a was a work on traditions by al-Shaikh al-Mufid, the teacher of al-Tusi, who has been mentioned earlier. Thus the original intention of al-Tusi had been to write a commentary on al-Muqni'a of al-Mufid. However, he makes it clear in his introduction that his work would only concern the furu' of Islamic law, i.e. the practical regulations for carrying out the sharia, the holy law of Islam. He said: "I went first to the chapter which was connected with ritual purity (tahara), leaving aside the (chapters) which preceded it, which were about the Unity of God (tawhid), Justice ('adl), Prophethood (nubuwwa) and the Imamate (imama), because the explanation of these would be too lengthy, and also because it was not the intention of this book to elucidate the principles of religion (al-usul).[6]
In his introduction, al-Tusi makes it clear that the principal motive for writing this work and limiting it to the furu', was the great differences which were arising in Shi'ite traditions. He mentions that these differences were being used against the Shi'a by their opponents as an argument against the truth of Shi'ite beliefs. The situation had become so critical that al-Tusi reports al-Mufid's account of one Shi'ite adherent who had left the community because of the contradictory traditions. Al-Tusi set himself the task of analysing the traditions concerned with furu', explaining which traditions were deficient and reconciling apparent contradictions in sound traditions. He used al-Mufid's al-Maqni'a as the basis for this task.[7]
However, he did not only deal with the traditions used in al-Muqni'a; he analysed many more traditions which he included at the end of various sections, appendices of traditions not mentioned by al-Mufid, which he also discusses. The method used is to quote the traditions and then al-Mufid's comments on them. This is often followed by al-Tusi's explanation of al-Mufid's comments. Sometimes, it is not always clear whether the explanation belongs to al-Mufid or al-Tusi. However, he quite often makes it clear that it is al-Mufid when he says: "Al Shaikh said..." But sometimes a discussion is introduced by the ambiguous terms: "He said..." This could refer to either al-Mufid or al-Tusi. In the appendices al-Tusi makes it quite clear that he is making the comments, for he says: "Muhammad b. al-Hasan said..." The discussions on the traditions are sometimes of considerable length. An example is the discussion of the method of performing ritual ablutions, there quotations are made from Arabic verse to support the Shi'ite version of rubbing the feet instead of washing them.[8]
The work is divided into chapters (kutub) and the chapters into sections (abwab) with appendices following when appropriate. The work is a very comprehensive study of Shi'ite traditions and consists of the following chapters: al-Tahara Ritual Purity al-Salat Formal Prayer al-Zakat Alms Tax al-Siyam Fasting al-Hajj Pilgrimage al-Jihad Sacred War al-Qadaya wa-'l-ahkam Judgements and Legal Requirements al-Makasib Acquisitions al-Tijarat Trading al-Nikah Marriage al-Talaq Divorce al-'itq wa-'l-tadbir wa-'l-mukatba Manumission of Slaves(according to the various methods) al-Ayman wa-'l nudhur wa-'1-kaffarat Oaths, Vows Atonements al-Said wa-'l-dhaba'ih Hunting and Ritual Slaughter al-Wuquf wa-'l-sadaqat Endowments and Alms al- Wasaya Bequests al-Fara'id wa-'l-mawarith Formal Rules of Inheritance al-Hudud Punishment prescribed by Revelation al-Diyat Indemnities for Bodily Injury It is said that al-Tusi began this work during the life of al-Mufid and had reached the end of the chapter on "Ritual Purity" by the time of his death (413 A.H.). However the work was not finally finished until al-Tusi moved to al-Najaf (448 A.H.).[9]
One of the remarkable features of this work is that despite the great number of traditions, which had become known to al-Tusi since the time of al-Kulaini and lbn Babawaih, al-Tusi's interpretation of what are the correct traditions, preserves Shi'ite law in a very similar position to that of al-Kulaini and lbn Babawaih The reason for the great spread of diverse traditions during the period from al-Kulaini's death to al-Tusi's (328/9 A.H.) death (460 A.H.) may have been the fact that this was a period in which the Buyids held sway in Baghdad; they were very sympathetic towards the Shi'a. Thus, this was a period in which the Shi'a were not persecuted and could admit their beliefs without too much fear. In such circumstances, there was much more opportunity for outsiders to bring extraneous traditions into the Shi'ite corpus. However al-Tusi had available to him many of the early works of Usul which had been available to the earlier Shi'ite compilers of collections of traditions. Al-Tusi says about this work: "When our companions looked at the akhbar (traditions) connected with what is permitted and forbidden (al-halal wa-'l-haram) which we had collected in it, they saw that they included most of what the sections of laws connected with jurisprudence. In all its sections and its chapters, only very little of the traditions of our companions, their books, usul and compilations has escaped.[10]
Al-Istibsar fima 'khtalaf al-akhbar Al- Istibsar is the fourth and last of the major works of Shi'ite Islamic traditions. It covers the same field as Tahdhib al-ahkam but is considerably smaller. Al-Tusi mentions that his colleagues, after seeing the size of Tahdhib al-ahkam considered: "...... It would be useful that there should be a reference (madhkur) book which a beginner could use in his study of jurisprudence, or one who has finished, to remind himself, or the intermediate (student) to study more deeply. Thus (so that) all of them could obtain what they need and reach their soul's desire, what is connected with different traditions would be set in an abridged way . . . Therefore they asked me to summarise it (Tahdhib al-ahkam) and devote care to its compilation and abridgement, and to begin each section with an introduction about what I relied on for the legal decisions and traditions in it; then I should follow with those traditions which disagree and explain the reconciliation between the two without leaving out anything which was influential. I would follow my practice in my big book mentioned earlier (i.e. Tahdhib al-ahkam) and at the beginning of the book, I would explain briefly how traditions are weighed against each other, and how the practice of something was possible through (the authority) of (some of) them to the exclusion of the rest ..."[11]
Al-Tusi, then, follows this statement with a brief but comprehensive and clear outline of the principles of jurisprudence.[12]
As can be seen from al-Tusi's own introduction, al-Istibsar is essentially a summary of Tahdhib al-ahkam. Its methods are similar but briefer; there are not so many traditions used in the work and the explanations are more concise. In many ways it is closer to Man la yahduruh al-faqih, although unlike the latter it gives full isnads for the traditions quoted. However it is possible to say that al-Kafi and Tahdhib al-ahkam represent comprehensive collections of traditions, while Man la yahduruh al-faqih and al-Istibsar are books intended to be used as ready reference works for students and scholars. The collections and commentaries of Shi'ite traditions did not end with al-Tusi but his works mark the high point in this process. It had begun with al-Kulaini, whose al-Kafi, while not the first collection, was certainly the first major collection based on the early works of usul. The process had been continued by lbn Babawaih; in his introduction to Man la yahduruh al-faqih he makes it clear that he had also used these usul. Al-Tusi, the author of the other two major works of Shi'ite traditions also admits his dependence on these early works. As has already been pointed out, these three authors and their four major works of tradition present a generally consistent picture of Shi'ite Islamic legal thinking. It is a remarkable picture of tradition and shows that, whatever the vagaries of individuals may have been, leading Shi'ite scholars had a clear and consistent view of their traditions.
Notes:
1. On al-Kulaini and al-Kafi, cf. Al-Serat, Vol. II, No.1 (March, 1976), 28-32
2. On Ibn Babawaih and Man la yahduruh al-faqih, cf. Al-Serat, Vol.II, No.2 (June, 1976), 19-22
3. New edition in ten volumes edited by al-Sayyid Hasan al-Musawi al-Khurasan, published in Teheran (3rd edition) 1390 A.H.
4. New edition in four volumes edited by al-Sayyid Hasan al-Musawi al-Khurasan, published in Teheran (3rd edition) 1390 A.H.
5. The details of the life of al-Shaikh al-Tusi have been taken from al-Sayyid Bahr al-Ulum's introduction to al-Tusi's Talkhis al-Shafi (3rd edition) (Qumm 1974) 1-45
6. Tahdhib al-ahkam, op.cit., I, 3
7. Idem 2-3
8. Idem, 66-74
9. al-Musawi, "Introduction" Tahdhib al-ahkam, I, 46 citing al-Sayyid Bahr al-Ulum.
10. al-Istibsar, op.cit. I, 2
11.Idem 2-3
12. Idem 3-5

Kitab al-Irshad' by Al-Mufid
Dr. I. K. A. Howard
Al-Serat, Vol. 3 (1977), No. 3
Al-Shaikh al-Mufid's full name was Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Nu'man al-Harithi al-Baghadi al-'Ukbari; his kunya was Abu 'Abd Allah. As well as being called al-Shaikh al-Mufid, he was known in both Shi'i and non-Shi'i circles as Ibn al-Mu'allim. He was born in the year 338 A.H./949 and was brought up in a village. His father brought him to Baghdad for his education. There he studied under Shi'i and Mu'tazili scholars. He showed such promise that one of his teachers recommended that he study under one of the leading scholars of the period, 'Ali b. 'Isa al-Ramani. He also studied under the leading Shi'i traditionists of the time, al-Shaikh al-Saduq. [1]
Al-Mufid lived during the period when the Buyids held political sway over Baghdad. They permitted much more tolerance towards the Shi'ites whether of Imami or Zaidi persuasion; they themselves were probably of Zaidi persuasion. As a result of this tolerant attitude, the Shi'ites were allowed to celebrate in public the Days of Ghadir Khumm (when the Prophet is said to have nominated 'Ali as his successor before the people) on 18th Dhu'l-Hijja, and 'Ashura, 10th Muharram (when al-Husain was killed at Karbala'). As a counter demonstration, some of the non-Shi'ites celebrated the Day of the Cave, (when the Prophet with Abu Bakr took refuge in a cave to escape the Quraysh who were pursuing them) on 26th Dhu'l-Hijja and also the day when Mus'ab ibn al-Zubair defeated al-Mukhtar b. Abi 'Ubaid on the 18th Muharram. [2]
It is said that al-Mufid earned his title of al-Mufid as a result of a dispute about the relative merits of the two events - Ghadir Khumm and the Cave. The story goes that when al-Mufid - Abu 'Abd Allah as he was - went to visit the scholar 'Ali b. 'Isa al-Ramani, mentioned above, there was a great crowd of people with the scholar. When the crowd grew thinner, the young Abu 'Abd Allah approached the scholar. However, then the arrival of a man from Basra was announced. The two, that is 'Ali b. 'Isa and his visitor from Basra, spoke for some time. Then the visitor asked 'Ali b. 'Isa what he had to say about the events of Ghadir Khumm and the Cave. 'Ali b. 'Isa replied: "The tradition of the Cave is definite knowledge (diraya) while the tradition of Ghadir is (of the status) of a narration (riwaya). A narration (riwaya) does not require the same (acceptance) as definite knowledge (diraya)." The Basran could not find an answer to this and departed. However, al-Mufid took up the discussion: "O Shaykh, I have a problem," he said to 'Ali b. 'Isa. "Put it forward, then," replied the latter. "What would you say about someone who fought against a just Imam?" asked al-Mufid. "He is an unbeliever (kafir)," was the answer. Then after a pause he changed it to "grave sinner (fasiq)." "What do you say about the Commander of the Faithful, 'Ali b. Abi Talib?" . He was an Imam." "What do you say about the Battle of the Camel, and some of the companions who fought against Ali b. Abi Talib." Therefore according to the above argument they should be described as fasiq, that is grave sinners who would go to hell. (However there is a tradition that these companions were among ten people whom the Prophet said would go to heaven. Thus 'Ali b. 'Isa has to explain how they could be fasiq and go to heaven. He does this in his next answer.) "They repented." "The tradition of the Battle of the Camel is definite knowledge (diraya) while the tradition of the repentance is a narration (riwaya)," replied al-Mufid. Thus al-Mufid had turned the tables on him. The event of the cave was something all Muslims accepted as fact but there was no point in giving the well-reported tradition of Ghadir Khumm inferior status since if this was done the same terminology could be used to question the repentance of the said companions, which was also accepted by most Muslims. 'Ali b. 'Isa was very impressed by the young man's reasoning. He asked him about his teacher and then gave him a note to take to that man. In the note he recommended his intellect and gave him the nickname of al-Mufid, "the one who gives benefit". [3]
Al-Mufid soon became one of the foremost scholars of his time. He was an outstanding theologian and jurist, and a brilliant polemical writer on behalf of the Shi'ites. He became head of the Shi'i scholars in Baghdad and took part in many debates and discussions with his opponents. As we have seen there was some rivalry between various groups during this period. This rivalry became much more tense during the time of the four rival days of remembrance which all came within four weeks of each other. Riots sometimes broke out and the authorities had to take firm action to restore the situation. After such a riot in 398 A.H./1007, al-Mufid was nearly exiled from Baghdad. However, in 410 A.H./1019, he was banished for a short time.[4]
During his life, al-Mufid was not only a brilliant debater and disputer he was a fine teacher and an outstanding and prolific writer As a teacher he will be remembered for the greatness of his three most outstanding pupils. They were the two 'Alids, al-Sharif al Radi and al Sharif al Murtada. Al Sharif al-Radi is perhaps best remembered as the compiler of many of Ali b. Abi Talib's speeches, sermons and letters Nahj al-balagha. His brother al Sharif al-Murtada was a brilliant theologian and an outstanding literateur. The other pupil was to become Shaikh al-Ta'ifa; he was Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Tusi. The writings of al-Shaikh al-Mufid were numerous. Al-Tusi tells us in the Fihrist that they numbered nearly two hundred. A number of these still survive; some have been published and some are still in manuscript form. Among them is al-Muqni'a, a work on tradition, which al-Tusi used as the basis for his great work Tahdhib al-ahkam fi sharh a/-munqi'a.[5]
In theology, we are left with an important treatise Awa'il al-maqalat, where al-Mufid discusses Shi'i theology in relation to other schools; this work has been recently studied by a leading French scholar.[6]
A working on the battle of the Camel, known as Kitab al-Jamal also survives. There is also Kitab al-Irshad which will be discussed later. Al-Shaikh al-Mufid died in the month of Ramadan in the year 413 A.H./1022. One report says that over 80,000 people attended his funeral.[7]
Al-Tusi himself reports that such a great crowd of mourners, both of opponents as well as friends, had not been seen before.[8]
Al-Sharif al-Murtada led the funeral prayers and gave an eulogy. After being buried in his own house, his body was later removed and buried near to the great shrine of two of the Imams in Baghdad, known as al-Kazimayn. [9]
Kitab al-Irshad [10]
This book sets out to name the twelve Shi'i Imams. It briefly describes the circumstances of the Imamate of each Imam, the miracles that each performed by which he gave evidence of his Imamate, the virtues of each Imam, and the circumstances of the death of all the Imams and the disappearance of the last Imam. It also gives an outline of the nass, or the nomination of each Imam. The Imamate of 'Ali b. Abi Talib after the Prophet is the cornerstone of the Shi'i view of succession and the Imamate in general. Therefore it is natural that the book should devote considerable space to 'Ali. Nearly half of the book is concerned with him. In particular al-Mufid pays great attention to 'Ali's career during the life of the Prophet. 'Ali is revealed as the person of outstanding merit during that period, the one who most deserved and was most entitled to succeed the Prophet. The reports of the traditions by which the Prophet is said to have made 'Ali's succession clear are fully reported, especially the tradition of Ghadir Khumm. In addition several of his speeches are given. Al-Mufid gives an account of some of 'Ali's legal decisions during the time of the three Caliphs, and he explains that 'Ali, although entitled to the office of the Caliphate, held back from attempting to seize the office or expressing public discontent. Little space is given to 'Ali's reign as Caliph, perhaps because these events had been discussed elsewhere by the author in Kitab al-Jamal for instance. The circumstances of 'Ali's murder by lbn Muljam are given in full and the author quotes from historical authorities, such as Abu Mikhnaf and Isma'il b. Rashid. The Imamate of al-Hasan is described more briefly by the author. The martyrdom of al-Husain at Karbala' is given at some length. In this account al-Mufid tells us that he has relied on Abu Mikhnaf and Ibn al-Kalbi, who were also the main authorities of the historian al-Tabari for this event. The other Imams are dealt with more briefly and in succession. The final Imam - the Qa'im, the Mahdi - is dealt with in more detail. The author gives the evidence of those who saw him. This is particularly important as doubt was expressed of his existence. He also refers to miracles performed by him; he tells of the prophecies about him and gives an account of what will happen when he returns. Al-Irshad represents an important statement of Shi'i belief. It is written more as a defence of the Imami Shi'i view of the Imamate and it takes care to provide believers with the evidence of the Imamate. In establishing the Imamate of 'Ali, the doctrine of nass is shown by the author to be legitimate. Its legitimate use is carried on by 'Ali and his successors. In the author's view, the proof to the world of the Imamate of each of the Imams is expressed in the miracles performed by each Imam. Important moments in the lives of the Imams, such as the martyrdom of al-Husain and the ghaiba, the disappearance of the last Imam, are dealt with in some detail. Al-Irshad was not the first work to be written on the subject. Al-Tabari, who died in the second half of the fourth century wrote two volumes on the Imamate; the first, al-Mustarshid, deals with 'Ali b. Abi Talib and the second Dala'il al-imama is an account of Fatima, and the other eleven Imams. However these two works are not as well-organised as al-Mufid's, nor do they make as much use of non-Shi'i sources as al-Mufid does. Al-Irshad, then, represents a valuable contribution to the history of the Imamate, It has been written by one of the outstanding Imami Shi'i writers of his time and must be considered as one of the definitive Shi'i works on the history of the Imamate.
Notes:
1. On al-Shaikh al-Saduq cf. A-Serat Vol.II No.2, June, 1976, 19-22;
2. H. Laoust, "Les Agitations Religieuses a Baghdad" in Islamic Civilisation 950-1150 (ed. D. H. Richards) (Oxford 1973), 170.
3. Ibn Idris al-Hilli, Kitab aI-Sara'ir cited by al-Zanjani in his introduction to
4. al-Mufid's Awa'il al-maqalat, (Tabriz, A.H. 1371).
5.Al-Tusi, a1-Fihrist (ed. Sprenger), new edition including indexes by
6.Mahmoud Ramyar (Mashhad, A.H. 1351), 314.
7.Cf. Al-Serat, Vol. II No.3, September 1976, 23-25.
8.D. Sourdel, "L'Imamisme vu par le Cheikh al-Mufid", Revue des Etudes
9.Islamique, XL, (Paris, 1972), 217-296.
10.D. Sourdel "Le Shaykh al-Mufid", Islamic Civilisation 950-1150,

Collection of the Hadith by the Sh'ia
It was during the Khilaafah of Abu Bakr and early Khilaafah of Omar that Imam Ali (a.s.) set to the task of registering the Hadiths. Imam Ali was incomparably strict about Islam, and could foresee the need to register the Hadith to be the source for future generations. Ali was fanatic about the accuracy of his writing, and in an agonizingly methodical manner he accomplished the following: During Abu Bakr's Khilaafah: Ali rendered in writing the following: Holy Quran: Chronological order of the Quran's revelations. Tafseer of the Holy Quran, 3 volumes: called Mus'haf Fatima.
During Omar's Khilaafah: Ali rendered the following: Hadith of the Prophet (pbuh): Voluminous writing, called Saheefa of Ali. Fiqh: Al-Ah'kaam and Mu'aamalat, the Halal and Haram. During Uthman's Khilaafah: Ali rendered the following: History of the various Prophets as he learned from Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), called: The White Al-Jafr. Islamic rules and directives of Wars, called The Red Al-Jafr. The books Ali rendered were called Al-Jaami'a (the Encyclopedia) and they were left with the Imams of Ahlul Bayt, each new Imam receiving them from the dying predecessor Imam. The Imams referred to these Hadiths and books over a period of about three centuries. Notable among them is Imam Ja'far Al-Saadiq, who was the teacher of Imam Abu Hanifah and Al-Maliki, and as many as 4000 scholars who graduated from his school. As many as 400 religious books were written by his students, referred to as the 400 Usool. Because of the source and chain of narration of the Hadith, the Shi'a (Ja'fari) rely only on the Hadiths as narrated by Ahlul Bayt or those Hadiths in the Al-Sihaah Al-Sittah (Bukhari, Muslim and others) that are similar to what Ahlul Bayt had quoted.

The Corpus of Islamic Knowledge
The Holy Quran in chronological order. The Tafseer of the Holy Quran consisting of three large volumes, called Mus'haf Fatima. The books of Hadith as Imam Ali had recorded them, called Saheefa of Ali. The books about Al-Ah'kaam, detailing the rule and regulations of the Shari'ah. The books of Jafr: The White Jafr about knowledge of the Prophets, life happenings, and other special (mystic) matters. The Red Jafr comprise of rules and matters about and involving wars.

Imam Ali(A.S.) About Ahlul Bayt(A.S.)
Describing the high standing of Ahlul Bayt Ali said in one of his sermons:
Allah Almighty has placed His trust in Aali Muhammad (Ahlul Bayt). They are the citadel where His Commandments receive protection, and from which the Directives are defined and interpreted. Aali Muhammad are:
The fountainheads of knowledge created by Allah,
The shelters for Allah's teachings,
The haven for the Heavenly Books, and
The mighty bastion to defend Allah's religion.
Islam in its beginning was weak and helpless, but Aali Muhammad (pbuh) came to its service, support, and defense. Islam was jittery of the infidels around it, but Aali Muhammad (pbuh) made it strong and powerful.
About 30 years later, Ali's grandson, Al-Sajjad invoked a Du'aa on behalf of Ahlul Bayt:
"Oh Lord! Bless Thy Ahlul Bayt, whom Thou chose to execute Thine works, and have made them the reservoir for Thy knowledge, the guardians for Thy religion, deputies of Thine on earth, and the path toward Thy Paradise."

Ja'fari(Sh'ia) Source of Hadith
The original books of Hadith as written by Imam Ali are not available, but the sources of Hadith of Ahlul Bayt were best registered by:
Al-Kulaini (d.329 A.H.=940 A.D.) in the book of Al-Kaafi which registers 16,199 Hadiths.
Life: Great scholar, taught in Baghdad, wrote many books.
Hadith Works: Al-Kaafi took 20 years to write, 34 sections with 326 chapters. Registered 16,199 Hadith or sayings through Ahlul Bayt, 2577 Sahih, 1118 Moothaq, 302 Qawiy, 144 Hasan, and 9380 Weak.
Al-Saduq in the book of Man La Yah'dharhu al-Faqeeh.
Life: Scholar of exceptional caliber, from Qum. Wrote numerous books and resided in Baghdad, teaching for a while.
Hadith Works: Mun Laa Yah'dharhu Al-Faqeeh, 5,973 Hadiths in 446 sections.
Toosi in the book of Al-Tah'dheeb, and the book of Istibsaar.
Life: Leader and scholar of great repute; taught in Baghdad both Shi'a and Sunni. During disturbance between Shi'a and Sunni which the government enticed, Al-Toosi's library was burned, his house attacked, and he left Baghdad to Najaf establishing the Howza Ilmiyyah.
Hadith Works:
Tah'dheeb Al-Ah'kaam, 12,590 Hadiths, in 390 sections.
Al-Istibsaar 5,521 Hadiths.

Highlights of Collection of Hadith by the Sh'ia
Imam Ali Saheefa of Ali Referenced by Shi'i and Sunni scholars Zainul Abideen Risalat Al-Huqooq Al-Saheefa Al-Sajjaadia Written by the Imam or Dictated to his Companions Servant of the Prophet, close to Ali, d 30H Abi Rafi' Sunan and Ah'kaam Companion of the Prophet, d 78H Jabir Al-Ansaari Mansak Hadith in the 2nd Century Imam Al-Baaqir Tafseer Al-Quran Having references to Hadith Zaid Ibn Ali Mus'nad Hadith and Fiqh Imam Al-Saadiq Al-Tawhid Most of the writing by his Companions Al-Saadiq's Companions The 400 Usool (400 books). Elaboration and expansion on Hadith All referencing to Imam Ja'far Al-Saadiq. Completed by the time of Al-Hasan Al-Askari. Hadith in the 3rd Century Depending on the 400 Usool (the 400 Books) three massive works of collecting the Hadith through Ahlul Bayt, categorized and indexed, were done. It became a reference for about two centuries. They are:
The Collection (AL-Jami') by Al-Warraq Al-Hadhrami
The Collection (AL-Jami') by Muhammad ibn Ahmad Al-Asha'ri
The Collection (AL-Jami') by Muhammad ibn Al-Hasan ibin Al-Waleed
Hadith in the 4th Century Till Now Al-Kulaini Al-Kaafi 16,199 Hadiths, most of which are Sahih, Hasan, Moothaq, or Qawiy. Al-Qummi Al-Siddooq Mun Laa Yah'dharhu Al-Faqeeh 5,973 Hadiths, with 3913 References. Muhammad Al-Toosi Tah'dheeb Al-Ah'kaam 12,590 Hadiths, in 93 chapters. Muhammad Al-Toosi Al-Istibsaar 5,521 Hadiths.

The Golden Chain of Narration
Because of being the trusted Prophet's family and the most learned, the narrations of Ahlul Bayt were often referred to as the Golden Chain of Narration. Ahlul Bayt's care in transmitting, and their meticulousness, and righteousness made people flock to them for quotes of Hadith, taking them as examples, and writing numerous books about Hadith, Fiqh, Ah'kaam, Halal and Haram among other subjects. The Shi'a believe that the Imams were Divinely Commissioned, therefore they were Ma'soom, meaning safeguarded by Allah from:
Religious error,
Sin, and
Forgetfulness.
Therefore, to the Shi'a the narration of the Imams was binding, their teaching binding, and the Hadith they narrated was the only one acceptable to them. If the Hadith in the Sihaah Al-Sittah (Sunni) is confirmed by the Hadith from one of the Imams, then that Hadith is acceptable, otherwise it would be questionable. Each Imam used to say: "My Hadith is the Hadith of my father, and his is the Hadith of his father, up to Ali, who directly narrated the Hadith from Prophet Muhammad (pbuh)."